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Full text of "The Political Writings of John Dickinson, Esquire: Late President of the State of Delaware, and ..."

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THE 



POLITICAL WRITINGS, 



or 
JOHN DICKINSON. Esquire. 

XATE PRESIDENT OF THE STATE OF DELAWARE, AMD OF 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA. 



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PRINTED .INO SOLD BT BONSAL AND NILES : 
ALSO, SOLD AT THEIR ROOK-STORE, NO. I73, MARKST-STRIET, BALTIMi»RS* 



(Entered according to Act of Congrets.) 






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THE FOLLOWING 

*' Address to the inhabitants of Quebec 

the first petition to the king — the declaration 
to the armies— the second petition to the king 
— ^and the address to the several states," 

KZTRACTIO fROM THI JOURNALS OF CONGRESS, 

Have always been ascribed to the pen of 

Mr. DICKINSON. 



Vol. 11, 



/ 1 



THE 

Address of Congress 

TO THE 

INHABITANTS OF QUEBEC, 

Dated October 26tb, 1774.* 



FRIENDS AND FELLOW-SUBJECTS, 

We, the DELEGATES of the colonites of 

' Nev)-Hampshire^ Massachusetts-Bay^ Rhode- hl^ 
and and Prcnyidetiie Plantations^ Connecticut^ 
Nev)-Torky Nev3-Jersey^ Pennsyhania^ the coun- 
ties of N'ew-Castle^ Kent and Sussex on Delaivarcy 
Mary land J Virginia^ North-Carolina and Sonth- 
CarolinHj deputed by the inhabitants of the skid 
colonies, to represent them in a general congress 
tit Philadelphia^ in the province of Pennsylvania^ 
to consult together, concerning the best methods 
to obtain redress of our afflicting grievances ; hav- 
ing aocordingly assembled, and taken into our mc^t 

* Vide Journals of Congrett, toI. x, page s^* 



( 4 . ) 

serious consideration, the state of public affairs on 
this continent, have thought proper to address your 
province, as a member therein deeply interested. 

When the fortune of war, after a gallant and 
glorious resistance, had incorporated you with the 
body of English subjects, we rejoiced in the truly 
valuable addition, both on our own and your ac- 
count ; expecting, as courage and generosity are 
naturally united, our brave enemies would become 
our hearty friends, and that the Divine Being would 
bless to you the dispensations 6f his over-ruling 
providence, by securing to you and your latest pos- 
terity, the inestimable advantages of a free English 
constitution of government, which it is the privi- 
lege of all English subjects to enjoy. 

Th£S]e^ hopes were confirmed by the king'sr 
proclamation, issued in the year 1763, plighting 
ihe public faith for your -full enjoyment of those 
advantages* 

LiTTirs did we imagine that any succeeding 
ministers would so audaciously and cruelly abuse 
the royal authority, as to withhold from you the 
fruition of the irrevocable rights^ to which you 
were thus justly intitled. 



( 5 ) 

But since we have lived to see the unexpected 
time, when ministers of this flagicious temper have 
dared to violate the most sacred compacts and ob- 
ligations, and as you, educated under another form 
of government, have artfully been kept from dis- 
covering the unspeakable worth of that form, you 
are now undoubtedly intitled to, we esteem it our 
duty, for the weighty reasons herein-after menti- 
oned, to explain to you some of its most import- 
ant branches. 

" In every human society," says the celebrated 
marquis Beccaria^ ^^ there is an effort continually 
tending to confer on one part the heighth of power 
and happiness, and to reduce the other to the ex- 
treme of weakness and misery. The intent of good 
laws is to oppose this effort, and to diffuse their 
I influence universally and equally.'* 

Rulers stimulated by this pernicious " effort,'* 
and subjects, animated by the just ** intent of op- 
posing good laws against it," have occasioned that 
vast variety of events, that fill the histories of so 
many nations. All these histories demonstrate the 
truth of this simple position, that to live by the 
will of one man, or set of men, is the production of 
misery to all men. 



< 6 ) 

On the solid foundation of this principle, Eng" 
lisbmen reared up the fabric of their constitutioB 
with such a strength, as for ages to defy time, tyran- 
ny, treachery, internal and foreign wars : and as 
an illustrious author* of your nation, hereafter men- 
tioned, observes, *^ They g^ve the people of 

their colonies, the form of their own government, 
and this government, carrying prosperity along 
v/ith it, they have grown great nations in the 
forests they were sent to inhabit.'* 

In this form, the first grand right is that of the 
people having a share in their own government by 
their representatives chose by themselves, and in 
consequence of being ruled by laws, which they 
themselves approve, not by edicts of men over whom 
they have no controul. This is a bulwark sur- 
rounding and defending their property, which by 
their honest cares and labours they have acquired, . 
so that no portions of it can legally be taken from 
them, but with their own full and free consent^ 
when they in their judgment deem it just and ne- 
cessary to give them for public services, and pre- 
cisely direct the easiest, cheapest, and most equal 
methods in which they shall be collected. 

The influence of this right extends still farther^ 
If money is wanted by rulers who have in any 
manner oppressed the people, they may retain it, 

* Montesquieu. 



( 9 ) 

These are the rights, without which a people 
cannot be free and happy, and under the protecting 
and incouraging influence of which^ these colonies 
hive hitherto so amazingly flourished and increas- 
ed. These are tfie rights, a profligate ministry are 
now strivings by force of arms, to ravish from us, 
and which we are, with one mind, resolved never to 
resign, but with our lives. 

These are the rights, you are intitled to, and 
ought at. this moment in perfection to exercise. 
And what is offered to you by the late act of parlia- 
ment in their place ? Liberty of conscience in your 
teligion ? No. God gave it to you. ; and the tem-^ 
poral powers with which you have been and are 
connected, firmly stipulated for your enjoyment of 
it If laws divine, and human, could secure it 
against the despotic caprices of wicked men^ it was 
secured before. Are the French laws, . in civil cases 
restored ? // seems so. But observe the cauti<^ 
ous kindness of the ministers, who pretend to be 
your benefactors. The words of the statute are^ — 
that those ^^ laws shall be the rule, until they shall 
be varied or altered by any ordinances of the govern* 
or and council.'* Is the " certainty and lenity of 
the criminal law of England sind its benefits and 
advantages," commended in the said statute, an4 
said to " have been sensibly felt by you," secured 

▼OL. II. B 



( 10 ) 

to you and your descendents ? No. They too are 
subjected to arbitrary *' alterations^^ by the govern- 
or and council ; and a power is expressly reserved 
of appointing " such courts o( criminal^ civile and 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as shall be thought pro- 
per/' Such is the precarious tenure of mere will, 
by which you hold your lives and religion. The 
crown and its ministers, are impowered as far as 
they could be by parliament, to establish even the 
inquisition itself among you. (Have you an assem- 
bly composed of worthy men, elected by your- 
selves, and in whom you can confide, to make laws 
for you, to watch over your welfare, and to direct 
in what quantity, and in what manner, yoiir money 
shall be taken from you ? No. The power of mak- 
ing laws for you is lodged in the governor and coun- 
cil^ all of them dependent upon, and removeable 
at the pleasure of a minister..^ Besides, another 
late statute, made without your consent, has sub- 
jected you to the impositions of excise ; the horror 
of all free states ; thus wresting your property 
from you by the most odious of taxes, and laying 
open to insolent tax-gatherers, houses, the scenes 
of domestic peace and comfort, and called the cas- 
tles of English subjects in the books of their law. 
And in the very act for altering your government, 
and intended to flatter you, you are not authorised 
to *' assess, levy or apply any rates and taxes ^ but 
for the inferior purposes of making roads j and erect- 



( 11 ) 

ing and rt^^Siiring public buildings ^ or for other local 
conveniences, within your respective towns and 

districts.'^ Why this degrading distinction i 

Ought not the property honestly acquired by Ca- 
nadians to be held as sacred as that of English- 
men ? Have not Canadians sense enough to attend 
to any other public affairs, than gathering stones 
from one place and piling them up in another ? Un- 
happy people ! who are not only injured, but insult- 
ed. Nay more ! — With such a superlative con- 
tempt of your understanding and spirit has an inso- 
lent ministry presumed to think of you, our respect- 
able fellow subjects, according to the information 
we have received, as firmly to persuade themselves 
that your gratitude, for the injuries and insults they 
have recently offered to you, will engage you to 
take up arms, and render yourselves the ridicule 
and detestation of the world, by becoming tools, in 
their hands, to assist them in taking that freedom 
from us^ which they have treacherously denied to 
you ; the unavoidable consequence of which at- 
tempt, if successful, would be the extinction of all 
hopes of you or your posterity being ever restor- 
ed to freedom : for idiocy itself cannot believe, 
that, when their drudgery is performed, they will 
treat you with less cruelty than they have us, who 
are of the same blood with themselves. 



( 12 ) 

What would your countryman, the immortal 
Montesquieu^ have said to such a plan of domina- 
tion, as has been framed for you ? Hear his words, 
with an intenseness of thought suited to the import- 
ance of the subject.——" In a free state, every 
man, who is supposed a free agent, ought to be 
concerned in bis own government: therefore the 
legislative should reside in the whole body of the 
people^ or their representatives. ^^'--^^^^ The politic 
cal liberty of the subject is a tranquility of mindy 
arising from the t>pinion each person has of his 
safety^ In order to have this liberty, it is requi- 
site the government be so constituted, as that one 
man need not be afraid of another. When the 
power of making hcw^ and the power of executing 
them, are united in the same person, or in the same 
body of magistrates, there can be no liberty ; be- 
cause apprehefnsions may arise, lest the same mo^ 
narcb or senate should enact tyrannical laws, to 
execute them in a tyrannical manner.'' 

" The power oi judging should be exercised by 
persons taken from the body of the people^ at cer- 
tain times of the year, and pursuant to a form and 
manner pescribed by law. There is no liberty^ if 
the power ot judging be not separated from the /r- 
gislative and executive powers.*' 



( 13 ) 

^* Military men belong to a profession, which 
may he useful, but U often dangerous."- — •** The 
enjoyment of liberty, and even its support and pre- 
servation, consists in every man's being allowed to 
speak his thoughts, and lay open his sentiments.'^ 

Apply these decisive maxims, sanctified by the 
authority of a name which all Europe reveres, to 
your own state. You have a governor, it may be 
urged, vested with the executhe powers, or the pow- 
ers of adminht ration : in him, and in your council, 
is lodged the power of making law:^^ — You have 
judges, who are todecide every cause affecting your 
lives, liberty or property.— —Here is, indeed, an 
appearance of the several powers being separated 
and distributed into different hands,l^for checks one 
upon another; the only effectual mode ever invent- 
ed by the wit of men, to promote their freedom and 

prosperity7 But scorning to be illuded by a tinsel- 

—J 
ed outside, and exerting the natural sagacity of 

Frenchmen^ examine the specious device, and you 

will find it, to use an expression of holy writ, " a 

whited sepulchre," for burying your lives, liberty 

and property. 

Yovji judges^ and your legislative council^ as it 
is called, are dependent on your governor^ and be is 
dependent on the servant of the crown in Great-Bri- 
tain. The legislative, executive, and judging 



( 14 ) 

powers are all moved by the nods of a minister. — 
Privileges and immunities last no longer than his 
sftiiles. When he frowns, their feeble forms dis- 
solve. Such a treacherous ingenuity has been ex- 
crted in drawing up the code lately oflfered you, 
that every sentence, beginning with a benevolent 
pretension, concludes with a destructive power; and 
the substance of the whole, divested of its smooth 
words, is — that the crown and its ministers shall 
be as absolute throughout your extended province, 
as the despots of Asia or Africa. What can pro- 
tect your property from taxing edicts, and the rapa- 
city of necessitous and cruel ma:sters; your persons 
from letters de catcbet^ goals, dungeons, and op- 
pressive services ? your lives and general liberty 
from arbitrary and unfeeling rulers ? we defy you, 
casting your view upon every side, to discover a 
single circumstance, promising from any quarter 
the faintest hope of liberty to you or your posteri- 
ty, but from an intire adoption into the union of j 
these colonies. 

What advice would the truly great man before 
mentioned, that advocate of freedom and humanity, 
give you, was he now living, and knew that we, 
your numerous and powerful neighbours, animated 
by a just love of our invaded rights, and united by 
the indissoluble bands of affection and interest, call- 
ed upon you, by every obligation of regard foi 

4^ 



m 



( IS ) 

yourselves and your children, as we now do, to join 
us in our righteous contest, to make common cause \ 
with Us therein, and take a noble chance for emerg- 
ing from a humiliating subjection under govern- 
ors, intendents, and military tyrants, into the firm / 
rank and condition of English freemen, whose cus- \ 
torn it is, derived from their ancestors, to make 
those tremble, who dare to think of making them 
miserable ? 

Would not this be the purport of his address ? 
" seize the opportunity presented to you by Provi- 
dence itself. Youhave been conquered into liberty, 
if you act as you ought. This work is not of man. 
You are a small people, compared to those who 

with open arms invite you into a fellowship. A 

moment's reflection should convince you which 
will be most for your interest and happiness, to 
have all the rest of North-America your unalterable 
friends, or your inveterate enemies. The injuries 
of Boston have roused and associated every colony, 
from Nova-Scotia to Georgia. Your province is 
the only link wanting to complete the bright and 
strong chain of union. Nature has joined your 
country to theirs. Do you join your political inte- 
rests. For their own sakes, they never will desert 
or betray you. Be assured, that the happiness of a 
people inevitably depends on their liberty, and 
their spirit to assert it. The value and extent of 



( 16 ) 

the advantages tendered to you are immense. Hea- 
ven grant you may not discover them to be bless- 
ings, after they have bid you an eternal adieu." 

Wz are too well acquainted with the liberality 
of sentiment distinguishing your nation, to imagine 
that difference of religion will prejudice you against 
a hearty amity with us. You know, that the tran- 
scendent nature of freedom elevates those who 
unite in her cause, above all such low minded in- 
firmities. The Swiss cantons furnish a memorable 
proof of this truth. Their union is composed of 
/roman catholic and protestant states, living in the 
utmost concord and peace with one another, and 
thereby enabled, ever since they bravely vindicated 
their freedom, to defy and defeat every tyrant that 
has invaded them. 

Should there be any among you, as there gene- 
rally are in all societies, who prefer the favours of 
ministers, and their own private interests, to the 
welfare of their country, the temper of such selfish 
persons will render them incredibly active in op- 
posing all public- spirited measures, from an ex- 
pectation of being well rewarded for their sordid 
industry, by their superiors ; but we doubt not you 
will be upon your guard against such men, and not 
sacrifice the liberty and happiness of the whole 



( 17 ) 

Canaiiianftojlc and their posterity, to gratify the 
avarice and ambition of individuals. 

We do not ask you, by this address, to commence 
acts of hostility against the government of our com- 
mon sovereign. We only invite you to consult 
your Qwn glory and welfare, and not to suffer your- 
selves to be inveigled or intimidated by infamous 
ministers, so far, as to become the instruments of 
their cruelty and despotism ; but to unite with us 
in one social compact, formed on the generous prin- 
ciples of equal liberty, and cemented by such an ex- 
change of beneficial and endearing offices as to ren- 
der it perpetual. In order to complete this highly 
desirable union, we submit it to your consideration, 
whether it xnay not be expedient for you to meet 
together in your several towns and districts, and 
elect deputies, who afterwards meeting in a provin- 
cial congress, . may choose delegates, to represent 
yourprpvince in the continental congress, to be held 
at Pbiladdpbia^ on the tenth day oiMay^ mS. 

In this present congress, beginning on thc^ftb 
of the last month, and continued to this day, it has 
been, with universal pleasure, and an unanimous 
vote, resolved, that we should consider the violation 
of your rights, by the act for altering the govern- 
ment of your province, as a violation of our own, 

VOL. II. C 



( i8 ) 

and that you should be invited to a6ced6 16 Our Con- 
federation, which has no other objtets than the per- 
fect security of the natural and civil rights of all the 
constituent members, according to their respective 
circumstances, and the preservation of a happy aiid 
lasting connection with Great-Britain^ on the salu- 
tary and constitutional principles herein before fneft*- 
tionedk For effecting these purposes, we have ad* 
dressed an humble and loyal petition to his majes- 
ty, praying relief of our and your grievances ; and 
have associated to stop all importations from Great- 
Britain and Ireland^ after the ^r^r day of Decem- 
ber^ and all exportations to those kingdoms and the 
fFest'Indies after the tenth day of next September : 
unless the said grievances are redressed. 

That Almighty God may incline your fninds td 
approve our equitable and necessary measures, to 
add yourselves to us, to put your fate, whetieVer 
you suffer injuries which you are determined to op- 
pose, not on the small influence of youf single pro- 
vince, but on the consolidated powers of North- 
America ; and may grant to out joint exertions, an 
event as happy as our cause is just, is thfe fervelit 
prayer of us, your sincere and affectionate friends 
and fellow-subjects. 

By order of the congress^ 
HENRY MIDDLETON, Pnsiiini. 




HBHt 



w * '■ ■■■ w» ■ ■ 'n wf ■ ' ^ 'w mw^trtrr ^ m m m m 



THE 



PCTITION OF CONGRESS- 



TO THE 

KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. 

BtfOSr GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN, 

\V^E your majesty's faithful subjects of the 
oolonks of New-Hampshire^ Massacbusetts-Bayj 
Rbedc" Island 2CRAProi>iience Plantations, Cotmeeti* 
cut, ^New-Tork, New-Jersey, Pennsyhania, the 
counties oiNew-Castle, Kent, and Sussex on Dela^ 
VMPe^ Matytand, Virginia, North-Carolina, and 
%auth^€arot%na, in behatf of ourselves and the inha- / 
bitants of these colonies, who have deputed us tty 
represent them in general congress, by this our 
humble petition^ beg leave to lay our grievances 
beievt lihethKHe. 



( 20 ) 

A standing army has been kept in these colonies, 
ever since the conclusion of the late war, without 
the consent of our assemblies ; and this army, with 
a considerable naval armament has been employed 
to inforce the collection of taxes. 

The authority of the commander in chief, and 
under him of the brigadiers-general has, in time of 
peace, been rendered supreme in all the civil go- 
vernments in America* 

The commander in chief of all your majesty's 
forces in North-America has, in time of peace, been 
appointed governor of a colony. 

The charges of usual offices have been greatly 
increased ; and, new, expensive and oppressive 
offices have been multiplied. 

The judges of admiralty and vice-admiralty 
courts, are impowered to receive their salaries and 
fees from the effiscts condemned by themselves. 

The officers of the customs are impowered to 
break open and enter houses without the authority 
of any civil magistrate founded on legal information. 

The judges of courts of common law have been 
made intirely dependent on one p^rt of the legisla- 



( 21 ) 

ture for their salaries, as well as for the duration of 
their commissions. 

CouNCELLORs holding their commissions dur- 
ing pleasure, exercise legislative authority. 

Humble and reasonable petitions from the re- 
presentatives of the people have been fruitless. 

The agents of the people have been discounte- 
nanced, and governors have been instructed to pre- 
vent the payment of their salaries. 

Assemblies have been repeatedly and injuri- 
ously dissolved. 

CoMME&cE has been burthened with many use- 
less and oppressive restrictions. 

By several acts of parliament made in Hxq fourth^ 
fifths sixth^ seventh^ and eighth years of your ma- 
jesty's reign, duties are imposed on us, for the pur- 
pose of raising a revenue ; and the powers of admi- 
ralty and vice-admiralty courts are extended be- 
yond their ancient limits, whereby our property is 
taken from us without our consent, the trial by jury j 
in many civil cases is abolished, enormous forfeit J 
ures are incurred for slight offences, vexatious in-1 
formers, are exempted from paying damages, to 



( 22 ) 

which they are jufily liable, and oppressive secu^ 
rity is required from owners, before they are allow^^ 
cd to defend their right. 

Both houses of parliament have resolved, that 
colonists may be tried in England^ for offences al- 
ledged to have been committed in America^ by vir- 
tue of a statute passed in the thirty-fifth year ef 
Henry the eighth ; and in consequence thereof at- 
tempts have been made to inforce that statute. 

A statute was passed in the Pwelfth year of your 
majesty's reign, directing, that persons charged 
with committing any offence therein described, in 
any place out of the realm, may be indieted and tri- 
ed for the same, in any shire or county within the 
realm, whereby inhabitants of these colonies may, 
in sundry cases by that statute made capital, be 
* deprived of a trial by their peers of the vicinage. 

In the last session of parliament, an act was pass- 
ed for blocking up the harbour of Boston ; another 
impowering the governor of the Massachusetts-Bay 
to send persons indicted for murder in that pro- 
vince, to another colony, or even to Great-Britain 
for trial, whereby, such offenders may escape legal 
punishment ; a third for altering the chartered con- 
stitution of government in that province ; and a 
fourth for extending the limits of ^ebecy abolish- 



( 123 ) 

tag the Englisij and restoring the Frenth lawft> 
Whereby great numbers of British freemen are sub* 
jected to the latter, and establishing an absolute gd* 
verment and the Roman catholic religion through** 
out those vast regions, that border on the westerly 
and northerly boundaries of the free, protestant, 
English settlements ; and a fifth for the better pro* 
yiding suitable quartern for officers and soldiers ia 
his majesty's service ih North-Amerita. 

To a sovereign, who glories in the name of Bri*- 
Hni the bare recital of these acts must^ we pre«^ 
6ume, justify the loyal subjects who fly to the foot 
of his throne^ and implore his clemency for pro*- 
tection against them. 

From this destructive system of colony adtninis^* 
tration, adopted since the tonclusion of the last war, 
have flowed those distresses, dangers, fears, and 
jealousies, that overwhelm your majesty's dutiful 
colonists with affliction : and we defy our most sub- 
tle and inveterate enemies to trace the unhappy 
diflerences between Great-Britain and these colo^ 
nies, from an earlier period, or from other causes, 
than we have assigned. Had they proceeded on 
dur part from a restless levity of temper, unjust im- 
pulses (^ ambition, or artful suggestions of sediti- 
ous persons, we should merit the opprobrious terms 
frequently bestowed upon us by those we reVere. 



( 24 ) 

But so far froni promoting innovations, we have 
only opposed them ; and can be charged with no 
ofience, unless it be one to receive injuries, and be 
sensible of them. 

Had our Creator been pleased to give us exist- 
ence in aland of slavery, the sense of our condition 
might have been mitigated by ignorance and habit. 
But, thanks be to his adorable goodness, we were 
born the heirs of freedom, and ever enjoyed our 
right under the auspices of your royal ancestors, 
whose family was seated on the British throne to 
rescue and secure a pious and gallant nation from 
the popery and despotism of a superstitious and in- 
exorable tyrant. Your majesty, we are confident, 
justly rejoices that your title to the crown is thus 
founded on the title of your people to liberty ; and 
therefore we doubt not but your royal wisdom 
must approve the sensibility, that teaches your sub- 
jects anxiously to guard the blessing, they receiv- 
ed from Divine Providence, and thereby to prove 
the performance of that compact, which elevated 
the illustrious house of Brunswick to the imperial 
dignity it now possesses. 

The apprehension of being degraded into a state 
of servitude, from the pre-eminent rank oi English 
freemen, while our minds retain the strongest love 
of liberty, and clearly fore-see the miseries preparing 



( 25 ) 

for us and our posterity, excites emotions in our 
breasts, which though we cannot describe, we 
should not wish to conceal. Feeling as men, and 
thinking as subjects in the manner we do, silence 
would be disloyalty. By giving this faithful inform- 
ation, we do all in our power to promote the great 
objects of your royal cares, the tranquillity of your 
government, and the welfiu-e of your people. 

DuTT to your majesty, and regard for the pre- 
servation of ourselves and our posterity, the pri- 
mary obligations of nature and society, command 
us to intreat your royal attention; and as your ma- 
jesty enjoys the signal distinction of reigning over 
freemen, we apprehend the language of freemen 
cannot be displeasing. Your royal indignation, 
we hope, will rather fall on those designing and 
dangerous men, who daringly interposiRg them- 
selves between your royal person and your faithful 
subjects, and for several years past incessantly em- 
ployed to dissolve the bonds of society, by abusing 
youc majesty's authority, misrepresenting your 
American subjects, and prosecuting the most des- 
perate and irritating projects of oppression, have at 
length compelled us, by the force of accumulated 
injuries, too severe to be any longer tolerable, tg 
disturb your majesty's repose by our complaints. 

VOL. ii« D 



( 26 ) 

These sentiments are extorted from hearts, that 
much more willingly would bleed in your majesty's 
service. Yet so greatly have we been misrepre- 
sented, that a necessity has been alledged of taking 
our property from us without our consent, ** to de- 
fray the charge of the administration of justice, the 
support of civil government, and the defence, pro- 
tection, and security of the colonies.'' But we beg 
leave to assure your majesty, that such provision 
has been, and will be made for defraying the two 
first articles, as has been and shall be judged, by 
the legislatures of the several colonies, just and 
suitable to their respective circumstances : and for 
the defence, protection, and security of the colo- 
nies, their militias, if properly regulated, as they 
earnestly desire may immediately be done, would 
be fully sufficient, at least in times of peace ; and 
in case of war, your faithful colonists will be ready 
and willing, as they ever have been, when consti- 
tutionally required, to demonstrate their loyalty to 
your majesty, by exerting their most strenuous ef- 
forts in granting supplies, and raising forces. 

Yielding to no British subjects in affectionate at- 
tachment to your majesty's person, family, and go- 
vernment ^ we too dearly prize the privilege of ex- 
pressing that attachment by those proofs, that are 
honourable to the prince who receives them, and 
to the people who give them, ever to resign it to 
any body of men upon earth. 



( 27 ) 

Had we- been permitted to enjoy, in quiet, the in- 
heritance left us by our fore-fathers, we should, at 
this time, have been peaceably, cheerfully, and use- 
fully employed in recommending ourselves, by 
every testimony of devotion, to your majesty, and 
of veneration to the state, from vv^hich we derive 
our origin. But though now exposed to unex- 
pected and unnatural scenes of distress, by a con- 
tention with that nation, in w^hose parental guid- 
ance on all important affairs we have hitherto, with 
filial reverence, constantly trusted, and therefore 
can derive no instruction in our present unhappy 
and perplexing circumstances from any former ex- 
perience ; yet, we doubt not, the purity of our 
intention, and the integrity of our conduct, will jus- 
tify us at that grand tribunal, before which all man- 
kind must submit to judgment. 

WE ASK BUT FOR PEACE, LIBERTY, 
AND SAFETY. We wish not a diminution of 
the prerogative, nor do we solicit the grant of any 

new right in our favour. Your royal authority 

over us, and our connection with Great-Britain^ 
we shall always carefully and zealously endeavour 
to support and maintain. 

Filled with sentiments of duty to your majesty, 
and of affection to our parent state, deeply impress- 
ed by our education, and strongly confirmed by our 



( 28 ) 

reason, and anxious to evince the sincerity of these 
dispositions, we present this petition only to obtain 
redress of grievances, and relief from fears and 
jealousies, occasioned by the system of statutes and 
regulations adopted since the close of the late war, 

for raising a revenue in America extending the 

powers of courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty 

trying persons in Great-Britain for offences 

alledged to be committed in America affecting 

the province of Massachusetts-Bay — and altering 
the government and extending the limits of J^^- 
bee ; by the abolition of which system, the harmo- 
ny between Great-Britain and these colonies, so 
necessary to the happiness of both, and so ardently 
desired by the latter, and the usual intercourses will 
be immediately restored. In the magnanimity and 
justice of your majesty and parliament, we confide 
for a redress of our other grievances, trusting, that 
when the causes of our apprehensions are removed, 
our future conduct will prove us not unworthy of 
the regard, we have been accustomed, in our hap- 
pier days, to enjoy. For appealing to that Being, 
who searches thoroughly the hearts of his creatures, 
we solemnly profess, that our councils have been 
influenced by no other motive, than a dread of im- 
pending destruction. 

Permit lis then, most gracious sovereign, in the 
name of all your faithfiil people in America^ with 



( 29 ) 

the utmost humility to implore you, for the honour 
of Almighty God, whose pure religion, our ene- 
mies are undermining ; for your glory, which can 
be advanced only by rendering your subjects happy, 
and keeping them united ; for the interests of your 
family depending on an adherence to the principles 
that enthroned it ; for the safety and welfare of your 
kingdoms and dominions, threatened with almost 
unavoidable dangers and distresses, that your ma- 
jesty, as the loving father of your whole people, 
connected by the same bonds of law, loyalty, faith, 
and bloody though dwelling in various countries, 
will not suffer the transcendent relation formed by n 
these ties to be farther violated, in uncertain ex- 
pectation of effects, that if attained, never can com- 
pensate for the calamities, through which they must 
be gained. 

We itherefore most earnestly beseech your ma- 
jesty, that your royal authority and interposition 
may be used for our relief, and that a gracious an- 
swer may be given to this petition. 

That your majesty may enjoy every felicity, 
through a long and glorious reign over loyal and 
happy subjects, and that your decendents may in- 
herit your prosperity and dominions till time shall • 
be no more, is, and always will be, our sincere 
and fervent prayer. 



** The address of congress to the king, is penned with extraordinary force 
and animation, in many parts rising to a very high strain of eloquence. 

*< It is difficult to conceive how this address could he read without exciting 
in the hreasts, eren of the most ohdntate, strong emotions of compxmction and 
remorse.** Belsham's Memoirs of the reign of Geo. 3. page 65. 



; J . . ^.•^^i t 



THE 

DECLARATION 

BY THE 

REPRESENTATIVES 

OF THE UNITED COLONIES OF NORTH-AMERICA, 

Kow met in congress at Philadelplua, setting forth tlie causes and necessttj 
of their taking up amuu^uly 6th, 17 75. 



IF it was possible for men, who exercise their 
reason to believe, that the Divine Author of our 
existence intended a part of the human race to hold 
an absolute property in, and an unbounded power 
over others, marked out by his infinite goodness 
and wisdom, as the objects of a legal domination 
never rightfully resistible, however severe and op- 
pressive, the inhabitants of these colonies might at 
least require from the parliament of Great-Britain 
some evidence, that this dreadful authority over 
them has been granted to that body. But a rever- 
ence for our great Creator, principles of humanity, 
and the dictates of common sense, must convince 



( 32 ) 

all those who reflect upon the subject, that govern- 
ment was instituted to promote the welfare of man- 
kind, and ought to be administered for the attain* 
ment of that endjijJThe legislature of Great-Britain^ 
K$lli6¥€r, stimulated by an inordinate passion for a 
; power not only unjustifiable, but which they know 
I to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution 
, of that kingdom, and desperate of success in any 
; mode of contest, where regard should be had to 
I truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting those, 
attempted to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose 
■ of enslaving these colonies by violence, and have 
thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with 
their last appeal from reason to arms. Yet, how- 
ever blinded that assembly may be, by their intem- 
: perate rage for unlimited domination, so to slight 
justice and the opinion of mankind, we esteem our- 
i selves bound by obligations of respect to the rest of 
- =. the world, to make known the justice of our cause. 

/ Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of 
; Great'Britairij left their native land, to seek on 
these shores a residence for civil and religious free- 
; dom. At the expence of their blood, at the haz- 
\ ard of their fortunes, without the least charge to 
'' the country from which they removed, by unceas- 
ing labour and an unconquerable spirit, they effect- 
cd settlements in the distant and inhospitable wilds 
of America, then filled with numerous and warlike 



r. 



( 33 ) 



/ 



/ 



nations of barbarians. — Societies or governments, 
vested with perfect legislatures, were formed under 
charters from the crown, and an harmonious inter- 
course was established between the colonies and the 
kingdom from which they derived their origin. 
The mutual benefits of this union became in a short 
time so extraordinary, as to excite astonishment. 
It is universally confessed, that the amazing in- 
crease of the wealth, strength, and navigation of the 
realm, arose from this source ; and the minister, 
who so wisely and successfully directed the mea- 
sures of Great 'Britain in the late war, publicly de- 
clared, that these colonies enabled her to triumph 

over her enemies. Towards the conclusion of \ 

that war, it pleased our sovereign to make a change 

in his counsels. From that fatal moment, the 

afiairs of the British empire began to fall into con- 

i fusion, and gradually sliding from the summit of 

j glorious jSrosperity to which they had been advanc- 

ed by the virtues and abilities of one man, are at 

/ length distracted by the convulsions, that now shake 

/ it to its deepest foundations. The new ministry 

' finding the brave foes of Britain^ though frequent- 
ly defeated, yet still contending, took up the unfor- 
tunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and of 
then subduing her faithful friends. 

These devoted colonies were judged to be in 
such a state, as to present victories without blood- 

VOL. II. £ 



{ 34 ) 

shed, and all the easy emoluments of statuteable 
plunder. — The uninterrupted tenor of their peace- 
able and respectful behaviour from the beginning 
of colonization, their dutiful, zealous, and useful 
services during the war, though so recently and 
amply acknowledged in the most honourable man- 
ner by his majesty, by the late king, and by par- 
liament, could not save them from the meditated 
innovations. — Parliament was influenced to adopt 
the pernicious project, and assuming a new power 
over them, have in the course of eleven years given 
such decisive specimens of the spirit and conse- 
quences attending this power, as to leave no doubt 
concerning the efiects of acquiescence under it. 

/ XhejE-^ve undertaken to give and grant our mo- 
ney without our consent, though we have ever exer- 
cised an ^elusive, right to dispose of our own^xx)- 

• perty ; statutes have been passed for extending the 
jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice-adnu- 

y ralty beyond their ancient limits ; for. depriving us 
of the accustomed and inestimable privilege of .trial 
by jury in cases liiFecting both life and property ; 

J for sus pending the legislature ojF one of the colo- 
nies ; for interdicting all commerce to the capital 
of another; and for altering fundamentally the 
form of government established by charter, and se- 
cured by acts of its own legislature solemnly con- 
firmed by the crown ; for exempting the " mur* 
derers" of colonists from legal trial, and in effect, 



( 35 ) 

fit)lri punishment ; for erecting in a neighb ouring 
£;;;gyinr*^j ^^qnir^r^ ^y tli^ jnmt arms of Great^Bru 
tain BTidJmerica^ a de3potism dangerous to our 
very exisjence; and for quartering soldiers upon 
Ae colp yiista in time of profound peace. It has also 
been resolved in parliament, that colonists charged 
with committing certain offences, shall be transport- 
ed to England to be tried. 

But why should we enumerate our injuries in 
detail ? By one statute it is declared, that parlia- 
ment can " of right make laws to bind us in all 
cases "uj bat soever. ^^ What is to defend us against so 
enormous, so unlimited a power ? Not a single man 
of those who assume it, is chosen by us ; or is sub- 
ject to our controul or influence ; but on the con- 
trary, they are all of them exempt from the opera- 
tion of such laws, and an American revenue, if not 
diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it 
is raised, would actually lighten their own burdens 
in proportion, as they increase ours. We saw the 
misery to which such despotism would reduce us* 
We for ten years incessantly and ineffectually be- . 
sieged the throne as supplicants ; we reasoned, we 
remonstrated with parliament in the most mild and 
decent language. 

ADMjjsrjtsTXATiON. Sensible that w.e should re- 
gard these oppressive measures as freemen ought 



( 36 ) 

to do, sent over fleets and armies to inforce them, \ 
The indignation of the Americans was rou&ed.^ it is 
true ; but it was the indignation of a virtuous, loy- 
al, and affectionate people. A congress of delegates 
from the united colonies was assembled at Pbila- 
delpbia^ on ihtjiftb day of last September. We 
resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful peti- 
tion to the king, and also addressed our fellow sub- 
jects of Great-Britain. We have pursued every 
temperate, every respectful measure; we have 
even proceeded to break off our commercial inter- 
course with our fellow subjects, as the last peacea- 
ble admonition, that our attachment to no nation 
upon earth should supplant our attachment to 
liberty. — This, we flattered ourselves, was the ulti- 
mate step of the controversy : but subsequent events 
have shewn, how vain was this hope of finding mo- 
deration in our enemies. 

Several threatening expressions against the 
colonies were inserted in his majesty's speech ; our 
petition, tho' we were told it was a decent one, and 
that his majesty had been pleased to receive it gra- 
ciously, and to promise laying it before his parlia- 
ment,^ was huddled into both houses among a bun- 
dle of American papers, and there neglected. The 
lords and commons in their address, in the month 
of February^ said, that " a rebellion at that time 
actually existed within the province of Massachur 



( 37 ) 

setts-Bay ; and that those concerned in it, had 
been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful 
combinations and engagements, entered into by 
I his majesty's subjects in several of the other colo- 
nies ; and therefore they besought his majesty, 
that he would take the most effectual measures to 
inforce due obedience to the laws and authority of 
the supreme legislature." — Soon after, the com- 
mercial intercourse of whole colonies, with foreign 
countries, and with each other, was cut off by an 
act of parliament ; by another, several of them 
w-ere intirely prohibited from the fisheries in the seas 
near their coasts, on which they always depended 
for their sustenance ; and large re-inforcements of 
ships and troops were immediately sent over to 
general Gage. 

Fruitless were all the intreaties, arguments, 
and eloquence of an illustrious band of the most 
distinguished peers and commoners, who nobly 
and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to 
stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with 
which these accumulated and unexampled outrages 
were hurried on. — Equally fruitless was the inter- 
ference of the city oi London^ of Bristol^ and many 
other respectable towns in our favour. Parliament 
adopted an insidious manoeuvre calculated to divide 
us, to establish a perpetual auction of taxations 
where colony should bid against colony, all of them 



( 38 ) 

uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives ; 
and thus to extort from us, at the point of the bayo- 
net, the unknown sums that should be sufficient to 
gratify, if possible to gratify, ministerial rapacity, 
with the miserable indulgence left to us of raising 
in our own mode, the prescribed tribute. What 
terms more rigid and humiliating could have been 
dictated by remorseless victors to conquered ene- 
mies ? In our circumstances to accept them, would 
be to deserve them. 

Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings 
arrived on this continent, general Gage^ who in the 
course of the last year had taken posession of the 
town of Boston^ in the province of Massachusetts^ 
Bay^ and still occupied it as a garrison, on the 19th 
day otJprilj sent out from that place a large detach- 
ment of his army, who made an unprovoked assault 
on the inhabitants of the said province, at the toMm 
of Lexington^ as appears by the affidavits of a great 
number of persons, some of whom were officers 
and soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of 
the inhabitants, and wounded many others. From 
thence the troops proceeded in warlike array to the 
town of Concord^ where they set upon another par- 
ty of the inhabitants of the same province, killing 
several and wounding more, until compelled to re- 
treat by the country people suddenly assembled to 
repel this cruel aggression. Hostilities, thus com- 



( 39 ) 

menced by the British troops, have been since pro- 
secuted by them without regard to faith or reputati- 
on. — The inhabitants of Boston being confined 
within that town by the general their governor, and 
having, in order to procure their dismission, enter- 
ed into a treaty with him, it was stipulated that the 
said inhabitants having deposited their arms with 
their own magistrates, should have liberty to depart, 
taking with them their other effects. They accord- 
ingly delivered up their arms, but in open violation 
of honour, in defiance of the obligation of treaties, 
which even savage nations esteem sacred, the gov- 
ernor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that 
they might be preserved for their owners, to be 
seized by a body of soldiers ; detained the greatest 
part of the inhabitants in the town, and compelled 
the few who were permitted to retire, to leave their 
most valuable effects behind. 

By this perfidy, wives are separated from their 
husbands, children from their parents, the aged and 
the sick from their relations and fi-iends, who wish 
to attend and comfort them ; and those who have 
been used to live in plenty and even elegance, are 
reduced to deplorable distress. 

The general, further emulating his ministerial 
masters, by a proclamation bearing date on the 
12th day of yune^ after venting the grossest false- 



/ 

f ( 40 ) 

hoods and calumnies against the good piebple of 
these colonies, proceeds to " declare them all, ei- 
ther by name or description, to be rebels and trai- 
tors, to supersede the course of the common lav» 
and instead thereof to publish and order the use 
and exercise of the law martial." — His troops have 
butchered our countrymen, have wantonly burnt 
/ Charlestovin^ besides a considerable number of 
houses in other places ; our ships and vessels are 
seized ; the necessary supplies of provisions are 
intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost power to 
spread destruction and devastation around him. 

We have received certain intelligence, that ge- 
neral Carleton the governor of Canada^ is instigat- 
ing the people of that province and the Indians to 
fall upon us ; and we have but too much reason to 
apprehend, that schenies have been formed to ex- 
cite domestic enemies against us. .In brief, a part 
of these colonies now feel, and all of them are sure 
of feeling, as far as the vengeance of administration 
can inflict them, the complicated calamities of fire, 
sword, and famine. We a re reduced to the alter- 
native of choosing an unconditional . submission to 
I the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by 

; force.— The latter is our choice. WE HAVE 

COUNTED THE COST OF THIS CONTJEST, 
AND FIND NOTHING SO DREADFUL AS 
VOLUNTARY SLAVERY.— Honour, justice, 



( 41 ) 

and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that 
freedom which we received from our gallant ances- 
tors, and which our innocent posterity havie a right 
to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy 
and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to 
that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, 
if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them. 

Qua cause is jus t. Our union is perfect. Our 
interpsiji xe;8Qurces axe great, and, if necessary, fo- 
reign assistance is undoubtedly attainable, We 

gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the 
Divine favour towards us, that his providence would 
not permit us to be called into this severe con- 
troversy, until we were grown up to bur present 
strength, had been previously exercised in warlike 
operations, and possessed the means of defending 
ourselves. With hearts fortified by these animat- 
ing reflections, we most solemnly, before God and 
the world, declajis, that, exerting the utmost en- 
ergy of those powers, which our beneficent Creator 
hath graciously bestowed upon us, the arms we have 
been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, 
in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firm- 
ness and perseverence, employ for the preservation 
of our liberties ; being with one mind resolved to 
die freemen rather than to live slaves. 

VOL. II. F 



( 42 ) 

' Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds 

of our friends and fellow-subjects in any part of the 

! empire, we assure them that we mean not to dis- 

\ solve that union which has so long and so happily 

/ subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish 

\ to see restored. Necessity has not yet driven us 

\ into that desperate measure, or induced lis to ex- 
cite any other nation to war against them. — CWe 
have not raised armies with ambitious designs of 
separating from Great-Britain^ and establishing 
\ independent statesJr' We fight not for glory or for 
conquest. , We exhibit to mankind the remarkable 
spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked ene- 
mies, without any imputation or even suspicion of 

offence. Tbey boast of their privileges and 

civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions 
than servitude or death. 



1 



In our own native land, in defence of the free- 
dom that is our birth-right, and which we ever en- 
joyed till the late violation of it — for the protection 
J of our property, acquired solely by the honest in- 
\ dustry of our fore-fathers and ourselves, againist 

1 violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. 
We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease 
j on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their 
I being renewed shall be removed, and not be before. 



( 43 ) 

With an humble confidence in the mercies 
of the supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of 
the universe, we most devoutly implore his divine 
goodness to protect us happily through this great 
conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliati- 
on on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieye the 
empire from the calamities of civil war. 



** About the tenth of July, the declaration of congress, setting forth the 
reasons of their taking up arms, was proclaimed at the bead of the several di- 
visions. It concluded with these patriotic and noble sentimenu. *^ In our 
own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birth right, and .which 
we ever enjoyed until the late violation of it; for the protection of our proper- 
ty, acquired fplely by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves, 
agamst violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them 
down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger 
t>f their being renewed, shall be removed, and not before. 

*< With an hnmble confidence, in the mercies of the supreme and impartial 
lodge and Ruler of the nniverse, we most devoutly implore his divine good- 
ness to conduct us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversa- 
ries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby, to relieve the empire 
from the calamities of civil war." — As soon as jtbese memorable words were 
- pronounced to genexal Putnam's division, which he had ordered to be para^ 
ded on Prospect-Hill, they shouted in three huzzas a load ambn !" 

HuMFHXxT8*t life of General Putnam. 



SECOND 
PETITION OF CONGRESS- 



TO THE 

KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. 

MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN, 

AV^E your majesty's faithful subjects of the 
colonies of Nev)'Hampsbire^ Massachusetts-Bay^ 
Rbodc" Island ^r\6. Providence Plantations, ConnectU 
cutj NeW'Tork^ Nenjo-Jersey^ Pennsylvania^ the 
counties of New-Castlcj Kent, BXid Sussex onDela- 
ware J Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, and 
South-Carolina, in behalf of ourselves and the inha- 
bitants of these colonies, who have deputed us to 
represent them in general cojHtt|idk||^at your 
majesty's gracious attentioil^^^^^BBp^ 
petition. ^^^BP*^ 

The union between our mother country and 
these colonies, and the enerey^ mild and just go- 




( 46 ) 

vernment, produced benefits so remarkably im- 
portant, and afforded such an assurance of their 
permanency and increase, that the wonder and en- 
vy of other nations were excited, while they beheld 
Great-Britain rising to a power the most extraor- 
dinary the world had ever known. 

Her rivals, observing that there was no proba- 
bility of this happy connection being broken by 
civil dissensions, and apprehending its future ef- 
fects, if left any longer undisturbed, resolved to 
prevent her receiving such continual and formida- 
ble accessions of wealth and strength, by checking 
the growth of those settlements from which they 
were to be derived. 

In the prosecution of this attempt, events so un- 
favourable to the design took place, that every friend 
to the interest of Great-Britain and these colonies^ 
entertained pleasing and reasonable expectations 
of seeing an additional force and exertion immedi- 
a.tely given to the operations of the union, hitherto 
experienced, by an enlargement of the dominions 
of the cr^i^HHM^ removal of ancient and war- 
like eq^^^^^^^^^br distance. 




At the conclusion <thercfore of the late war, the 
most glorious and advantageous that ever had been 
carried on by ^ri|^ arms, your loyal colonbts 



Bridik^vxciS 



( 47 ) 

having contributed to its success, by such repeated 
tod strenuous exertions, as frequently procured 
them the distinguished approbation of your ma- 
jesty, of the late king, and of parliament, doubted 
not but that they should be permitted, with the rest 
of the empire, to share in the blessings of peace, 
and the emoluments of victory and conquest. 

While these recent and honourable acknow- 
ledgements of their merits remained on record in 
the journals and acts of that august legislature the 
parliament, undefaced by the imputation or even 
the suspicion of any offence, they were alarmed by 
k new system of statutes and regulations adopted 
for the administration of the colonies, that filled 
their minds with the most painful fears and jealou- 
sies ; and, to their inexpressible astonishment, per- 
ceived the danger of a foreign quarrel quickly suc- 
ceeded by domestic danger, in their judgment of a 
more dreadful kind. 



Nor were these anxieties alleviated by ar^y ten- 
dency in this system to promote the welfare of their 
mother country. For thougb^tfH||^^ere more 
immediately felt by them, y^^^^^^^^H^eated 
to be injurious to the commer^WB^^perity of 
Great-Britain. ^ ' 




( 48 ) 

W£ shall decline the ungrateful task of describe 
ing the irksome variety of artifices, practised by 
many of your majesty's ministers, the delusive pre- 
tences, fruitless terrors, and unavailing severities 
that have from time to time been dealt out by them^ 
in their attempts to executle this impolitic plan, or 
of tracing thro' a series of years past, the pro- 
gress of the unhappy differences between Great- 
Britain and these colonies, that have flowed from 
this fatal source. 

Your majesty's ministers, persevering in their 
measures, and proceeding to open hostilities for 
inforcing them, have compelled us to arm in our 
own defence, and have engaged us in a controver- 
sy so peculiarly abhorrent to the affections of youjr 
still faithful colonists, that when we consider whom 
we must oppose in this contest, and if it continues, 
what may be the consequences, our own particular 
misfortunes are accounted by us only as parts of 
our distress. 



Knowing to what violent resentments, and in- 
curable ^^IJHB^i^p^c^^^i discords are apt to exas- 
perate^^ll^MHHHHB^ parties, we think 

Qurselve?fl[P||PH^ indispensible obligations to 
Almighty God, to your majesty, to our fellow-sub- 
jects, and to ourselves, immediately to use all the 
means in our power, not incompatible with our safe- 



^!^- 



( 49 ) 

ty, for stopping the further effusion of blood, and 
for averting the impending calamities that threat- 
en the British empire. 

Thus called upon to address your majesty on 
affairs of such moment to America^ and probably to 
all your dominions, we are earnestly desirous of 
performing this office, with the utmost deference 
for your majesty ; and we therefore pray, that your 
majesty's royal magnanimity and benevolence may 
make the most favourable constructions of our 

expressions on so uncommon an occasion. -; 

Could we represent in their full force, the senti- 
ments that agitate the minds of us your dutiful sub- 
jects, we are persuaded your majesty would ascribe 
any seeming deviation from reverence in our lan- 
guage, and even in our conduct, not to any repre- 
hensible intention, but to the impossibility of recon-i 
ciling the usual appearances of respect, with a just 
attention to our own preservation against those 
artful and cruel enemies, who abuse your royal con- 
fidence and authority, for the purpose of effecting 
our destruction. 

Attached to your majesty's penoiir family, and 
government, with all devotion that principle and 
affection can inspire, connected with Great-Britain 
by the strongest ties that can unite societies, and 

VOL, II. G 



( 50 ) 

deploring every event that tends in any degree to 
weaken them, we solemnly assure your majesty, 
that we not only most ardently desire the former 
harmony between her and these colonies may be re- 
stored, but that a concord may be established be- 
tween them upon so firm a basis as to perpetuate 
its blessings, uninterrupted by any future dissensi- 
ons, to succeeding generations in both countries, 
and to transmit your majesty's name to posterity, 
adorned with that signal and lasting glory, that has 
attended the memory of those illustrious persona- 
ges, whose virtues and abilities have extricated 
states from dangerous convulsions, and, by secur* 
ing happiness to others, have erected the most no- 
ble and durable monuments to their own fame. 

We beg leave farther to assure your majesty, that 
notwithstanding the sufferings of your loyal colo- 
nists, during the course of this present controversy, 
our breasts retain too tender a regard for the king- 
dom from which we derive our origin, to request 
such a reconciliation as might in any manner be 
inconsistent with her dignity or her welfare. These, 
related as we are to her, honour and duty, as well 
as inclination, induce us to support and advance ; 
and the appprehensions that now oppress our hearts 
with unspeakable grief, being once removed, your 
majesty will find your faithful subjects on this con- 
tinent ready and willing at all times, as they have ' 



( 51 ) 

ever been, with their lives and fortunes, to assert 
and maintain the rights and interests of your majes- 
ty and of our mother country. 

We therefore beseech your majesty, that your 
royal authority and influence may be graciously 
interposed to procure us relief from our afflicting 
fears and jealousies, occasioned by the system be- 
fore mentioned, and to settle peace through every 
part of your dominions, with all humility submit- 
ting to your majesty's wise consideration, whether 
it may not be expedient for facilitating those im- 
portant purposes, that your majesty be pleased to 
direct some mode, by which the united applicati- 
ons of your faithful colonists to the throne, in pur- 
suance of their common councils, may be improv- 
ed into a happy and permanent reconciliation ; and 
that, in the mean time, measures may be taken for 
preventing the further destruction of the lives of 
your majesty's subjects ; and that such statutes as 
more immediately distress any of your majesty's 
colonies, may be repealed. 

For by such arrangements as your majesty's 
wisdom can form for collecting the united sense of 
your American people, we are convinced your ma- 
jesty would receive such satisfactory proofs of the 
disposition of the colonists towards their sovereign 
and parent state, that the wished for opportunity 



( 52 ) 

would soon be restored to them, of evincing the sin- 
cerity of their professions, by every testimony of 
devotion becoming the most dutiful subjects, and 
the most afiectionate colonists. 

That your majesty may enjoy a long and pros- 
perous reign, and that your descendents may gov- 
ern your dominions with honour to themselves, and 
happiness to their subjects, is our sincere prayer. 



** These several addresses (to the people of Ireland, the assembly of Jatmo' 
ua, &c.) were executed in a masterly manner, and were well calculated to 
make friends to the colonies. But their petition to the king, which was drawn 
up at the same time, produced more solid advantages in' favour of the Ameri- 
can cause, than any other of their productions. This was in a great measure 
carried through congress, by mr. Dickinson. Several members, judging from 
the violence with which parliament procseded against the colonies, were of 
f^inion, that farther petitions were nugatory ; but this worthy citizen, a friend 
to both countries, and devoted to a reconciliation on constitutional . principles, 
urged, the expe^ency and policy of trying once more the effect of an humble, 
decent, and firm petition, to the common head of the empire. The high opin- 
ion that was conceived of his patriotism and abilities, induced the members to 
assent to the measure, though they generally conceived it to be labour lost.-* 
The petition agreed upon, was the work of mr. Dickinson's pen." 

Ramsay's History of the American revolution, vol. z. page %1% 



ADDRESS OF CONGRESS, 

TO THE 

SEVERAL STATES, 

ON THE 

» 

PRESENT SITUATION OF AFFAIRS. 

V 

To the inhabitants of the United States of America. 

F&IENDS AND COUNTRYMEN, 

J. HE present situation of public affairs de- 
mands your most serious attention, and particularly 
Lhe great and increasing depreciation of your cur- 
rency requires the immediate, strenuous and united 
efforts of all true friends to their country, for pre- 
venting an extension of the mischiefs that have al- 
ready flowed from that source. 

America, without arms, ammunition, disci- 
pline, revenue, government or ally, almost totally 
stript of commerce, and in the weakness of youth,' 
as it were with a *' staff and a sling" only, dared 
'* in the name of the Lord of Hosts" to engage a 
gigantic adversary, prepared at all points, boasting 



( 54 ) 

of his strength, and of whom even mighty warriors 
*' were greatly afraid." 

For defraying the expences of this uncommon 
war, your representatives in congress were obliged 
to emit paper money ; an expedient that you knew 
to have been before generally and successfully prac- 
tised on this continent. 

They were very sensible of the inconveniences 
with which too frequent emissions would be attend- 
ed, and endeavoured to avoid them. For this pur- 
pose they established loan-pffices so early as in Oc- 
tobery 1776, and have from that time to this repeat- 
edly and earnestly solicited you to lend them mo- 
ney on the faith of the United States. The sums 
received on loan have nevertheless proved inade- 
quate to the public exigencies. Our enemies pro- 
secuting the war by sea and land with implacable, 
fury, and with some success, taxation at home and" 
borrowing abroad, in the midst of difficulties and 
dangers, were alike impracticable. Hence the con- 
tinued necessity of new emissions. 

But to this cause alone we do not impute the 
evil before mentioned. We have too much reason 
to believe it has been in part owing to the artifices 
of men who have hastened to enrich themselves by 
monopolizing the necessaries of life, and to the 



( 55 ) 

misconduct of inferior officers employed in the pub- 
lic service. 

The variety and importance of the business in- 
trusted to your delegates, and their constant attend- 
ance in congress, necessarily disables them from 
investigating disorders of this kind. Justly appre- 
hensive of them, they by their several resolutions 
of the 22d of November and 20th of December^ 
1777, and of the 3d and 9th oi February^ 1778, re- 
commended to the legislative and executive powers 
of these states, a due attention to these interesting 
afl^irs.— — How far those recommendations have 
been complied with we will not undertake to deter- 
mine : but we hold ourselves bound in duty to you 
to declare, that we are not convinced there has been 
as much diligence used in detecting and reforming 
abuses, as there has been in committing or com- 
plaining of them. 

With regard to monopolizers, it is our opinion 
that taxes judiciously laid on such articles as be- 
come the objects of engrossers, and those frequent- 
ly collected, would operate against the pernicious 
tendency of such practices. 

As to inferior officers employed in the public 
service, we ANXIOUSLY desire to call your most 
vigilant attention to their conduct, with respect to 



( 56 ) 

every species of misbehaviour, whether proceeding 
from ignorance, negligence or fraud, and to the 
making of laws for inflicting exemplary punish* 
ments on all offenders of this kind. 

We are sorry to hear that some persons are so 
slightly informed of their own interests, as to sup- 
pose that it is advantageous to them to sell the pro* 
duce of their farms at enormous prices, when a little 
reflection might convince them that it is injurious 
to those interests and the general welfare. If they 
expect thereby to purchase imported goods cheap- 
er, they will be egregiously disappointed ; for the 
merchants who know they cannot obtain returns in 
gold, silver, or bills of exchange, but that their 
vessels, if loaded here at all, must be loaded with 
produce, will raise the price of what they have to 
sell, in proportion to the price of what they have td 
buy; and consequently the land-holder can pur- 
chase no more foreign goods for the same quantity 
of his produce, than he could before. 

The evil however does not stop at this poinCi . 
The landholder by acting on this mistaken calcula- ■ 
tion, is only labouring to accumulate an immense . 
debt, by increasing the public expences, for the 
payment of which his estate is engaged, and to em- 
barrass every measure adopted for vindicating his 
liberty, and securing his prosperity. 



( 57 ) 

As the harvests of this year, which by the Di^- 
' vine Goodness promise to be plentiful, will soon be 
gathered, and some new measures relating to your 
foreign concerns, with some arrangements relating 
to your domestic, are now under consideration, 
from which beneficial effects are expected, we en- 
tertain hopes that your affairs will acquire a much 
greater degree of regularity and energy, than they 
have hitherto' had. 

Birt we should be highly criminal, if we did not 
plainly tell you that those hopes are not founded 
wholly upon our own proceedings. These muist 
be supported by your virtue, your wisdom and 
your diligence. From the advantage of those seats 
in the national council with which you have ho- 
noured U9, we have a pleasing prospect of many 
blessings approaching this our native land. It is 
your patriotism must introduce and fix them here. 

lut vain will it be for your delegates to form 
plans of ecoftomy, to strive to stop a continuation 
of etnissiens by taxation or loan, if you do not zeal- 
ously co-operate, with them in promoting their de- 
sigfts, and use your utmost industry to prevent the 
Waste of money in thfe expenditure, which your 

VOL. II. H 



( 58 ) 

respective situations in the several places, where it 
is expended, may enable you to do. A discharge 
of this duty, and a compliance with recommenda- 
tions for supplying money, might enable congress 
to give speedy assurances, to the public, that no 
more emissions shall take place, and thereby close 
that source of depreciation. 



Your governments being now established, and * 
your ability to contend with your invaders ascer- r 
tained, we have on the most mature deliberation, I 
judged it indispensably necessary to call upon you ^ 
for forty-five millions of dollars, in addition to the f 
fifteen millions required by a resolution of congress 
of the second of January last, to be paid into the 
continental treasury before the ^rst day of Janua- 
ry next, in the same proportion, as to the quotas 
of the several states, with that for the said fifteen 
millions. 

It appeared proper to us to fix the Jlrst day of 
next January for the payment of the whole ; but 
as it is probable that some states, if not allj will 
raise part of the sums by instalments or otherwise, 
before that time, we recommend in the strongest 
manner, the paying as much as can be collected as 
soon as possible into the continental treasury. 

Though it is manifest, that moderate taxation in 
times of peace, will recover the credit of your cur- 



( 59 ) 

rcncy, yet the encouragement which your enemies 
derive from its depreciation, and the present exi- 
gencies, demand great and speedy exertions. 

-We are persuaded you will use all possible care 
to make the promotion of the general welfare inter- 
fere as little as may be with the ease and comfort 
o{ individuals : but though the raising these sums 
should press heavily on some of our constituents, 
yet the obligations we feel to your venerable cler- 
gy, the truly helpless widows and orphans, your 
Doost gallant, generous, meritorious officers and 
soldiers, the public faith, and the commonweal, so 
irresistably urge us to attempt the appreciation of 
your currency, that we cannot withhold obedience 
to those authoritative sensations. 



. On this subject we, will only add, that as the rules 
of justice are most pleasing to our infinitely good 
and gracious Creator, and an adherence to them 
most likely to obtain his favour, so they will ever 
be found to be the best and safest maxims of hu- 
man policy. 

To our constituents we submit the propriety 
and purity of ouj: intentions, well knowing they 
will not forget, that we lay no burthens upon them, 
but those in which we participate with them — a 
happy sympathy, that pervades societies formed on 



( 60 ) 

the basis of equal liberty. Many carcA; Hiaof la- 
bours, and may we not add, reproaches, are peciu 
liar to us. These are the emoluments of oyr unso- 
licited stations ; and with these we are content, if 
YOU approve our conduct. If you do not, we 
shall return to our private condition with ilo other 
regret, than that which will arise from our not hav- 
ing served you as acceptably and essentially, as we 
wished and strove to do, though as cheerfully and 
&ithfully as we could. 

Think not we despair of the commonwealth, or 
endeavour to shrink from opposing diificalt^. No. 
Your cause is too good, your objects too efacred to 
be relinquished. We tell you truths, because you 
are freemen who can bear to hear them, and may 
profit by them : and when they reach your enemies, 
we fear not the consequences, bescause we are not 
ignorant of their resources or our own. Let your 
good sense decide upon the comparison. Let even 
their prejudiced understandings decide upon it, 
and you need not be apprehensive of the determin- 
ation. 

Whatever supposed advantages from plans of 
rapine, projects of blood, or dreams of domination, 
may heretofore have amused their inflamed fancies, 
the conduct of one monarch, the friend and pro- 
tector of the rights of mankind, has turned the 



e 61 ) 

scale so much against them, that their visionary 
schdineB vanish as the unwholesome vapours of 
night before the healthful influences of the sun* 

' An alliance has been formed between his most 
christian, majesty and these states, on the basis of 
the most perfect equality, for the direct end of main- 
taining effectually their liberty, sovereignty and in- 
dependence, absolute and unlimited, as well in mat- 
ters of government as of commerce. The conduct 
of our good and great ally towards iis, in this in- 
i^tance and others, has. so fiilly manifested liis sin- 
cerity and kindness, a& to excite on our part corres- 
pondent sentiments of confidence and affection. 

Obssbvikg the interests of his kingdom, to 
which duty and inclination prompted his attention, 
to be connected with those of America, and the 
combination of both clearly to coincide with the 
beneficent designs of the Author of nature, who 
unquestionably intended men to partake of certain 
rights and portions of happiness, his majesty per- 
ceived the attainment of these views to be founded 
on the single proposition of a separation between. 
America and Great-Britain. 

Tub resentment and confusion of your enemies, 
will point out to you the ideas you should entertain 
of the magnanimity and consummate wisdom of his 
most christian majesty on this occasion. 



( 62 ) 

They perceive, that selecting this grand and just 
idea from all those specious ones that might have 
confused or misled inferior judgment or virtue, and 
satisfied with the advantages which must result 
from that event alone, he has cemented the harmony 
between himself and these states, not only by estab- 
lishing a reciprocity of benefits, but by eradicat- 
ing every cause of jealousy and suspicion. They 
also perceive with similar emotions, that the mode- 
ration of our ally, in not desiring an acquisition of 
dominion on this continent, or an exclusion of other 
nations from a share of its commercial advantages, 
so useful to them, has given no al ark to those 
nations, but in fact has INTERESTED them in 
the accomplishment of his generous undertaking to 
dissolve the monopoly thereof by Great-Britain^ 
which has already contributed to elevate her to her 
present power and haughtiness, and threatened if 
continued, to raise both to a height insupportable 
to the rest of Europe. 

In short, their own best informed statesmen and 
writers confess, that your cause is exceedingly fa- 
voured by courts and people in that quaiter of the 
world, while that of your adversaries is equally re- 
probated ; and from thence draw ominous and well 
grounded conclusions, that the final event must 
prove unfortunate to the latter. Indeed w^e have 
the BEST reason to believe that we shall soon 



( 63 ) 

form other alliances, and on principles honourable 
and beneficial to these states. 

Infatuated as your enemies have been from 
the beginning of this contest, do you imagine they 
can now flatter themselves with a hope of conquer- 
ing you, unless you are false to yourselves ? 

When unprepared, undisciplined, and unsup- 
ported, you opposed their fleets and armies in fiill 
conjoined force, then, if at any time, was conquest 
to be apprehended. Yet what progress towards it 
have their violent and incessant efforts made ? 
Judge from their own conduct. Having devoted 
you to bondage, and after vainly wasting their 
blood and treasure in the dishonourable enterprize, 
they deigned at length to offer terms of accommo- 
dation, with respectful addresses, to that once des- 
pised body, the congress, whose humble supplica- 
tions ONLY for peace, liberty and safety, they 
had contemptuously rejected, under pretence of its 
being an unconstitutional assembly. Nay more ; 
desirous of seducing you into a deviation from the " 
paths of rectitude, from which they had so far and 
so rashly wandered, they made most specious offers 
to tempt you into a violation of your faith given to' 
your illustrious ally. Their arts were as unavail* 
ing as their arms. — Foiled again, and stung with 
rage, imbittered by envy, they had no alternative, 



( 64 ) 

but to renounce the inglorious and ruinous contro- 
versy, or to resume their formcF modes of prosecu- 
ting it. They chose the latter. Again the savages 
are stimtilated to horrid massacrees of women and 
children, and domestics to the murder of their mas- 
ters. Again our brave and unhappy brethren are 
doomed to miserable deaths, in goals and prison- 
ships. To complete the sanguinary system, all the 
" EXTREMITIES of war" are by authority de- 
nounced against you. 

Piously endeavour to derive this consolation 
from their remorseless fury, that " the Father of 
Mercies" looks down with disapprobation on such 
audacious defiances of his holy laws ; and be further 
comforted with recollecting, that the arms assumed 
by you in your righteous cause have not been sul- 
lied by any unjustifiable severities. 

Your enemies despairing however, as it seems, 
of the success of their united forces against our 
main army, have divided them, as if their design 
was to harrass you by predatory, desultory operati- 
ons. If you are assiduous in improving opportu- 
nities, Saratoga may not be the only spot on this 
continent to give a new denomination to the baffled 
troops of a nation, impiously priding herself in 
notions of her omnipotence. 



( 65 ) 

Rouse yourselves therefore, that this campaign 
may finish the great work you have so nobly car- 
ried on for several years past. What nation ever 
engaged in such a contest under such a complica- 
tion of disadvantages, so soon surmounted many of 
them, and in so short a period of time had so cer- 
tain a prospect of a speedy and happy conclusion. 
We will venture to pronounce, that so remarkable 
an instance exists not in the annals of mankind. 
We well remember what you said at the commence- 
ment of this war. You saw the immense diflference 
between your circumstances, and those of your 
enemies, and you knew the quarrel must decide on 
no less than your lives, liberties, and estates. All 
these you greatly put to every hazard, resolving 
rather to die freemen than to live slaves ; and jus- 
tice will oblige the impartial world to confess you 
have uniformly acted on the same generous princi- 
ple. Consider how much you have done, and how 
comparitively litde remains to be done to crown 
you with success. Persevere ; and you insure 
peace, freedom, safety, glory, sovereignty, and feli- 
city to yourselves, your children, and your chil- 
dren's children. 

Encouraged by favours already received from 
Infinite Goodness, gratefully acknowledging them, 
earnestly imploring their continuance, constantly 

VOL. II. I 



( 66 ) 

endeavouring to draw them down on your heads 
by an amendment of your lives, and a conformity to 
the Divine will; humbly confiding in the protection 
so often and wonderfully experienced, Vigorously 
employ the means placed by Providence ^n jrour 
hands, for compleating your labours. 

FiXL up your battalions be prepared in eve- 

ry part to repel the in<Jursioiis of your enemies-^ 
place your several quotas in the continental treasu- 
ry lend money for public uses sink the 

emissions of your respective states—provide ef* 
fectually for expediting the conveyance of supplies 
for your armies and fleets, and for your alli es 
prevent the produce of the country from being mo* 

nopolized— effectusdly superintend the beha* 

viour of public officers — diligently promote piety, 
virtue, brotherly love, learning, frugality and mo- 
deration — \ and may you be approved before 

Almighty God, worthy of those blessings we de- 
voutly wish you to enjoy. 

Done in congress by unanimous consent, 
this 26th day of May^ one thousand seven 
hundred and seventy-nine. 

ioJHN JAY, President. 

Attest^ 

Charles Thomson, secretary. 



THE 

LETTERS 

O F 

F A B I U S. 

IN 1788, 

ON THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION ; 

AND 
IN 1797, 

ON THE PRESENT SITUATION 

OF 

PUBLIC AFFAIRS: 

WITH 
ADDITIONAL If or IS. 



T H I^^ 

i ' ' ' 

EDITOR OF THE EDITION IN 1797, 
TO THE PUBLIC. 



X IXSa first nine letters in this collection^ publish- 
ed in the beginning of the year 1788, vjere occasi- 
oned by an alarming hesitation of some states to 
ratify the constitution^ proposed by the federal con- 
"oentionj in 1787, 

They appeared separately in news-papers ; and 
have never been published together^ before the pre- 
sent edition. 

Some notes are added of exti^acts from " the 
** RIGHTS OF MAN,'* pubHshcd about three ycars 
after these Letters^ containing similar sentiments y 
expressed with a remarkable resemblance of lan- 
guage^ especially on the two great subjects the 



( 70 ) 

ORGANIZATION of u CONSTITUTION frovfi Ori- 
ginal rights^ and the FasicjitTTOir ^^snrvKmtXVt 

from contributed rights^ both of so much import- 
ance in laying regular foundations of civil soci- 
ety ^ and consequently in securing the advancement 

of HUMAN HAPPIN£SS. 

The last set of letters was caused by the extra* 
ordinary call of con^resSy on the twenty -fifth day of 
March, 1797. 



THE 

LETTERS 

O V 

FA B I U S: 

CONTAIM1MO» 

OBSERVATIONS ON the CONSTITUTION 

PROPOSED BYTHB 

FEDERAL CONVENTION. 



LETTER L 

1 HE constitution proposecJby the federal con- 
vention, now engages the fixed attention of Jme- 
rica. 

Every person appears to be affected. Those 
who wish the adoption of the plan, consider its 
rejection as the source of endless contests, confu- 
sions, and misfortunes ; and they also consider a 
resolution to alter, without previously adopting it, 
as a rejection. 



( 72 ) 

Those who oppose the plan, are influenced by 
diflerent views. Some of them are friends, others 
of them are enemies, to the United States. The 
latter are of two classes ; either men without prin- 
ciples or fortunes, who think they may have a 
chance to mend their circumstances, 'UJitb impunu 
ty^ under a weak government^ or in public convul- 
sions^ but cannot make them worse even by the 
last — or men who have bjsen always averse to the 
revolution ; and though at first confounded by that 
event, yet^ their hopes reviving with the declen-. 
sion of our affairs, have since persuaded themselves 
that at length the people, tired out with their conti- 
nued distresses, will return to their former connec- 
tion with Great-Britain. To argue with these 

opposers would be vain. The other opposers of 

the plan deserve the highest respect. 

What concerns ally should be considered by all; 
and individuals may injure a whole society, by not 
declaring their sentiments. It is therefore not on- 
ly their rigbt^ but their duty^ to declare them< 
Weak advocates of a good cause, or artful advo- 
cates of a bad one, may endeavour to stop such 
communications, or to discredit them by cl^n^our 
and caluinDy. This, however, is not the age for 
such tricks of controversy. Men have suffered so 
severely by being deceived upon subjects of the 



( 73 ) 

Highest import, those of religion and freedom, that 
TEUTH becomes infinitely valuable to them, not as 
a matter of curious speculation, but of beneficial 
practice — a spirit of inquiry is excited, informati- 
on difiused, judgment strengthened. 

Bepore this tribunal of the people, let every 
one freely speak, what he really thinks, but with so 
sincere a reverence for the cause he ventures to 
discuss, as to use the utmost caution, lest he should 
lead any into errors, upon a point of such sacred 
concern as tbe public happiness. 

It is not the design of this address to describe 
the present derangement of our affairs, the mis- 
chiefs that must ensue from its continuance, the 
horrors of a total dissolution of the union, or of 
the division of it into partial confederacies. Nor 
is it intended to describe the evils that will result 
from pursuing the plan of another federal conven- 
tion ; as if a better temper of conciliation, or a 
more satisfactory harmony of decisions, could be 
expected from men, after their minds are agitated 
with disgusts and disappointments, than before they 
were thus disturbed ; though from an uncontradict- 
ed assertion it appears, that without such provoca* 

VOL. II. K 



( 74 ) 

tions, the difficulty of reconciling the interests of 
the several states was so near to insuperable, in 
the late convention, that after many weeks spent in 
the most faithful labours to promote concord, the 
members were upon the very point of dispersing 
in the utmost disorder., jealousy and resentment, 
and leaving the states exposed to all the tempests " 
of passions, that have been so fatal to confederal 
cies of republics. 

All these thmgs, with observations on particu- 
lar article s of the constitution, have been laid be- 
fore the public, and the writer of this address means 
not to repeat what has been already said. What 
he wishes, is to simplify the subject, so as to facili- 
tate the inquiries of his fellow-citizens. 

Many are the objections made to the system 
proposed. They should be distinguished. Some 
may be called locals because they spring from the 
supposed interests of individual states. Thus, for 
instance, some inhabitants of large states may de- 
sire the system to be so altered, that they may pos- 
sess more authority in the decisions of the govern- 
ment : or some inhabitants of commercial states 
may desire it to be so altered, that the advantages 
of trade may center almost wholly among them- 
selves ; and this predilection they may think com- 



( 75 ) 

patible with the common welfare. Their judgment 
being thus v arped, at the beginning of their deli- 
berations, objections are accumulated, as very im- 
portant, that, without this prepossession, -would 
never have obtained their approbation. Certain it 
is, that strong understandings may be so influenced 
by this insulated patriotism, as to doubt — whether 
general benefits can be communicated by a general 
government.*^ 



Probably nothing would operate so much for 

. the correction of these errors, as the perusal of the 

\ accounts transmitted to us by the ancients, of the 

I calamities - occasioned in Greece by a conduct 

i foun'ded on similar mistakes. They are expressly 

' ascribed to this cause — that each city meditated a 

I part on its own profit and ends — insomuch that 

\ those WHO SEEMED TO CONTEND FOR UNION, 

' could ne'oer relinquish their own interests and ad- 
vancementy while they deliberated/or the public. 

Heaven grant ! that our countrymen may pause 

in time duly estimate the present moment 

and solemnly reflect whether their measures 

may not tend to draw down the same distractions 
upon us, that desolated Greece. 

* See some late publications. 



( 76 ) 

They may now tolerably judge from the pro- 
ceedings of the federal convention and of other 
coi^ventions, what are the sentiments of America 
upon her present and future prospects. Let the 

voice of her distress be venerated and adher- 

ing to the generous /^ir^ini^m declaration, lettifem 
resolve to " cling to union as the political rock of 
our sahation.^^ 

' FABIUS. 

Philadelphia, April 10, 1788. 



( 77 ) 



LETTER 11. 



JdUT besides the objections originating from the 
before mentioned cause, that have been called locals 
there are other objections that are supposed to 
arise from maxims of liberty and policy 4 

Hence it ;s inferred, that the proposed system 
has such inherent vices, las must necessarily pro- 
duce a bad administration, and at length the op- 
pression of a monarchy and aristocracy in the fede- 
ral officers. 

The writer of this address being convinced by 
as exact an investigation as he could make, that 
such mistakes may lead to the perdition of his coun- 
try, esteems it his indispensable duty, strenuously 

to contend, that tbe power of the people pervad- ' 

ing the proposed system, by frequent elections, 
together with the strong confederation of the states^ I 
forms an adequate security against every danger ^ 
that has been apprehended. 

If this single assertion can be supported by facts 
and arguments, there will be reason to hope, that 
anxieties will be removed from the minds of some 



( 78 ) 

citizens, who are truly devoted to the interests of 
America^ and who have been thrown into perplexi- 
ties, by the mazes of multiplied and intricate dis- 
. quisitions. 

The objectors agree, that the confederation of 
the states will be strongs according to the system 
proposed, and so strongs that many of them loudly 
complain of that strength. On this part of the as- 
sertion, there is no dispute : but some of the ob- 
jections that have been published, strike at another 
part of the principle assumed, and deny, that the 
system is sufficiently founded on the power "of the 
people. 

The course of regular inquiry demands, that 
these objections should be considered in the first 
place. If they are removed, then all the rest of 
"^ the objections, concerning unnecessary taxations, 
standing armies, the abolishment of trial by jury, 
the liberty of the press, the freedom of commerce^ 
the judicial, executive, and legislative authorities 
of the several states, and the rights of citizens, 
and the other abuses of federal government, must, 
of consequence, be rejected, if the principle con- 
tains the salutary, purifying, and prciserving quali* 
\ ties attributed to it. The question then will be — 
\ot %vhat may be done^ when the government shall 



( 79 ) 

be turned into a tyranny ; but bov) the government 
can be so turned ? 

Thus unembarrassed by subordinate discussi- 
ons, we may come, fairly to the contemplation of 
that superior point, and be better enabled to disco- 
ver, whether our attention to it will afford any 
lights, whereby we may be conducted to peace ^ ii- 
berty, and safety. 

The objections, denying that the system propos- 
; ed is sufficiently founded on the power of the 
: people^ state, that the number of the federal trus- \ 
i tees or officers, is too small^ and that they are to ) 
[ hold their offices too long. 

One would really have supposed, that smallness 
of number could not be termed a cause of danger,- 
as influence must increase with enlargement. If 
this is a fault, it will soon be corrected, as an ad- 
dition will be often made to the number of the se- 
nators^ and, a much greater and more frequently, 
to that of the representatives ; and in all probabil- 
ity much sooner, than we shall be able and willing 
to bear the expence of the addition* 

As to the senate, it never can be, and it never 
ought to be large, if it is to possess the powers, 
which almost all the objectors seem inclined to al- 



( 72 ) 

Those who oppose the plan, are influenced by 
different views. Some of them are friends, others 
of them are enemies, to the United States. The 
latter are of two classes ; either men without prin- 
ciples or fortunes, who think they may have a 
chance to mend their circumstances, 'ujith impuni- 
ty^ under a weak government, or in public convul- 
sions, but cannot make them worse even by the 
last — or men who have bjsen always averse to the 
revolution ; and though at first confounded by that 
event, yet, their hopes reviving with the deplen- 
sion of our affairs, have since persuaded themselves 
that at length the people, tired out with their conti- 
nued distresses, will return to their former connec- 
tion with Great-Britain. To argue with these 

opposers would be vain. The other opposers of 

the plan deserve the highest respect. 

What concerns all, should be considered by all; 
and individuals may injure a whole society, by not: 
declaring their sentiments. It is therefore not pn.- 
ly their right, but their duty, to declare them. 
Weak advocates of a good cause, or artful advo- 
cates of a bad one, may endeavour to stop such 
communications, or to discredit them by clangour 
and caluinny. This, however, is not the age for 
such tricks of controversy. Men have suffered so 
severely by being deceived upon subjects of the 



( 73 ) 

highest import, those of religion and freedom, that 
TRUTH becomes infinitely valuable to them, not as 
a matter of curious speculation, but of beneficial 
practice — a spirit of inquiry is excited, informati- 
on diffused, judgment strengthened. 

Before this tribunal of the people, let every 
one freely speak, what he really thinks, but with so 
sincere a reverence for the cause he ventures to 
discuss, as to use the utmost caution, lest he should 
lead any into errors, upon a point of such sacred 
concern as the public happiness. 

It is not the design of this address to describe 
the present derangement of our affairs, the mis- 
chiefs that must ensue from its continuance, the 
horrors of a total dissolution of the union, or of 
the division of it into partial confederacies. Nor 
is it intended to describe the evils that will result 
from pursuing the plan of another federal conven- 
tion ; as if a better temper of conciliation, or a 
more satisfactory harmony of decisions, could be 
expected from men, after their minds are agitated 
with disgusts and disappointments, than before they 
were thus disturbed ; though from an uncontradict- 
ed assertion it appears, that without such provoca- 

VOL. II. K 



( 74 ) 

tions, the difficulty of reconciling the interests of 
the several states was so near to insuperable, in 
the late convention, that after many weeks spent in 
the most faithful labours to promote concord, the 
members were upon the very point of dispersing 
in the utmost disorder, jealousy and resentmfent, 
and leaving the states exposed to all the tempests ' 
of passions, that have been so fatal to confedera- 
cies of republics. 

All these thmgs, with observations on particu- 
lar articlt s of the constitution, have been laid be- 
fore the public, and the writer of this address means 
not to repeat what has been already said. What 
he wishes, is to simplify the subject, so as to facili- 
tate the inquiries of his fellow-citizens. 

Many are the objections made to the system 
proposed. They should be distinguished. Some 
may be called locals because they spring from the 
supposed interests of individual states. Thus, for 
instance, some inhabitants of large states may de- 
sire the system to be so altered, that they may pos- 
sess more authority in the decisions of the govern- 
ment : or some inhabitants of commercial states 
may desire it to be so altered, that the advantages 
of trade may center almost wholly among them- 
selves ; and this predilection they may think com- 



( 75 ) 

patible with the common welfare. Their judgment 
being thus v arped, at the beginning of their deli* 
berations, objections are accumulated. as very im- 
portant, that, without this prepossession, would 
never have obtained their approbation. Certain it 
is, that strong understandings may be so influenced 
by this insulated patriotism, as to doubt — whether 
general benefits can be communicated by a general 
government.*^ 

Probably nothing would operate so much for 
the correction of these errors, as the perusal of the 
accounts transmitted to us by the ancients, of the 
calamities occasioned in Greece by a conduct 
founded on similar mistakes. They are expressly 
ascribed to this cause — tJbat each city meditated a 
part on its own profit and ends — insomuch that 

those WHO SEEMED TO CONTEND FOR UNION, 

could never relinquish their own interests and ad- 
vancement^ while they deliberated/or the public. 

Heaven grant ! that our countrymen may pause 

in time duly estimate the present moment 

and solemnly reflect whether their measures 

may not tend to draw down the same distractions 
upon us, that desolated Greece. 

* See some la:e publication!. 



( 76 ) 

They may now tolerably judge from the pro- 
ceedings of the federal convention and of other 
conventions, what are the sentiments of America 
upon her present and future prospects. Let tbe 
voice of her distress be venerated and adher- 
ing to the generous Firginian declaration, let dfem 
resolve to ^^ cling to union as tbe political rock (^ 
our sahation.^^ 

FABIUS. 

r 

Philadelphia, April 10, 1788. 



( 77 ) 



LETTER 11. 



JdUT besides the objections originating from the 
before mentioned cause, that have been called locals 
there are other objections that are supposed to 
arise from maxims of liberty and policy * 

H£NC£ it jis inferred, that the proposed system 
has such inherent vices, as must necessarily pro* 
duce a bad administration, and at length the op- 
pression of a monarchy and aristocracy in the fede- 
ral officers. 

The writer of this address being convinced by 
as exact an investigation as he could make, that 
such mistakes may lead to the perdition of his coun- 
try, esteems it his indispensable duty, strenuously 
to contend, that the ponjoer of the people pervad- 
ing the proposed system, by frequent elections, 
together with the strong confederation of the states^ 
forms an adequate security against e^oery danger 
that has been apprehended. 

If this single assertion can be supported by facts 
and arguments, there will be reason to hope, that 
anxieties will be removed from the minds of some 



( 78 ) 

citizens, who are truly devoted to the interests of 
America^ and who have been thrown into perplexi- 
ties, by the mazes of multiplied and intricate dis- 
quisitions. 

The objectors agree, that the confederation of 
the states will be strongs according to the system 
proposed, and so strongs that many of them loudly 
complain of that strength. On this part of the as- 
sertion, there is no dispute : but some of the ob- 
jections that have been published, strike at another 
part of the principle assumed, and deny, that the 
system is sufficiently founded on tbe power "of the 
people. 

The course of regular inquiry demands, that 
these objections should be considered in the first 
place. If they are removed, then all the rest of 
the objections, concerning unnecessary taxations, 
standing armies, the abolishment of trial by jury, 
the liberty of the press, the freedom of commerce, 
the judicial, executive, and legislative authorities 
of the several states, and the rights of citizens, 
and the other abuses of federal government, must, 
of consequence, be rejected, if the principle con- 
tains the salutary, purifying, and preserving quali- 
s ties attributed to it. The question then will be — 
\ot what may be done^ when the go'oernment shall 



( 79 ) 

be turned into a tyranny ; but bov) the government 
can be so turned ? 

Thus unembarrassed by subordinate discussi- 
ons, we may come fairly to the contemplation of 
that superior point, and be better enabled to disco- 
ver, whether our attention to it will afford any 
lights, whereby we may be conducted to peace ^ it- 
berty^ and safety. 

Thb objections, denying that the system propos- 
ed is sufficiently founded on the power of the 
peophy state, that the number of the federal trus- 
tees or officers, is too small, and that they are to 
hold their offices too long. 

\ One would really have supposed, that smallness 
I of number could not be termed a cause of danger, 
I as influence must increase with enlargement. If 
, this is a fault, it will soon be corrected, as an ad- 
I dition will be often made to the number of the se- 
natorSy and, a much greater and more frequently, 
j to that of the representatives ; and in all probabil- 
ity much sooner, than we shall be able and willing 
to bear the expence of the addition. 

k As to the senate, it never can be, and it never 
ought to be large, if it is to possess the powers, 
which almost all the objectors seem inclined to al- 



( 80 ) 

lot to it, as will be evident to every intelligent per- 
son, who considers those powers. 

Thouch small, let it be remembered, that it is 
to be created by the sovereignties of the several 
states ; that is, by tlie persons, whom the people 
of each state shall judge to be most worthy^ and 
who, surely, will be religiously attentive to making 
a selection, in which the interest and honour of 
their state will be so deeply concerned. It shoi^d 
be remembered too, that this is the same manner^ 
in which the members of congress ^xenovj appoint- 
ed ; and that herein^ the sovereignties of the states 
are so intimately involved, that however a renunci- 
ation of part of these powers may be desired by 
some of the states^ it never will be obtained from 
the rest of them. Peaceable, fraternal, and bew- 
volent as these are, they think, the concessions 
they have made, ought to satisfy all. 

i 

That the senate may always be kept /«//, with- 
out the interference of congress, it is provided Jn 
the system, that if vacancies happen by resignation 
or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of 
any state, the executive thereof may make tempo- 
rary appointments, until the next meeting of the 
legislature, which shall th^n fill up such vacan- 
cies. 



( 81 ) 

As to the bouse of representatives^ it is to con- 
sist of a number of persons, not exceeding one for 
every thirty thousand : but each state shall have at 
least one representative. The electors will reside, 
%^idely dispefsed, over an extensive country. Cabal 
and corruption will be as impracticable, as, on such 
occasions, human institutions can render them. 
Ybe will of freemen^ thus circumstanced^ will give 
ttej(/7f. The purity of election thus obtained^ 
Will amply compensate for the supposed defect of 
representation ; and the members, thus chosen^ will 
be most apt to harmonize in their proceedings with 
tbc general interests, feelings, and sentiments of the 
|»eople. 

Allowing such an increase of population as^ 
fixim experience and a variety of causes, may be 
expected, the represent at hes^ in a short period, 
will amount to several hundreds, and most proba- 
bly long before any change of manners for the 
wof se, that might tiempt or encourage our rulers to 
mal'-administration, will take place on this conti- 
ntet. 

* That this house may always be kept/w//, with- 
out the interference of congress, it is provided in 
the system, that when vacancies happen in any state, 

VOL. II. L 



( 72 ) 

Those who oppose the plan, are influenced by 
different views. Some of them are iriends, others 
of them are enemies, to the United States. The 
latter are of two classes ; either men without prin- 
ciples or fortunes, who think they may have a 
chance to mend their circumstances, with impuni- 
ty^ under a weak government^ or in public convul- 
sions^ but cannot make them worse even by the 
last — or men who have been always averse to the 
revolution ; and though at first confounded by that 
event, yet, their hopes reviving with the dcQlen- 
sion of our affairs, have since persuaded themselves 
that at length the people, tired out with their conti- 
nued distresses, will return to their former connec- 
tion with Great-Britain. To argue with these 

opposers would be vain. The other opposers of 

the plan deserve the highest respect. 

What concerns ally should be considered by all; 
and individuals may injure a whole society, by not 
declaring their sentiments. It is therefore not on- 
ly their rights but their duty^ to declare them« 
Weak advocates of a good cause, or artful advo- 
cates of a bad one, may endeavour to stop such 
communications, or to discredit them by cl^n^our 
and calumny. This, however, is not the age for 
such tricks of controversy. Men have suffered so 
severely by being deceived upon subjects of the 




( 73 ) 

highest import, those of religion and freedom^ that 
TEUTH becomes infinitely valuable to them, not as 
a matter of curious speculation, but of beneficial 
practice — a spirit of inquiry is excited, informati- 
on difiused, judgment strengthened. 

Before this tribunal of the people, let every 
one freely speak, what he really thinks, but with so 
sincere a reverence for the cause he ventures to 
discuss, as to use the utmost caution, lest he should 
lead any into errors, upon a point of such sacred 
concern as the public happiness. 

It is not the design of this address to describe 
the present derangement of our affairs, the mis- 
chiefs that must ensue from its continuance, the 
horrors of a total dissolution of the union, or of 
the division of it into partial confederacies. Nor 
is it intended to describe the evils that will result 
from pursuing the plan of another federal conven- 
tion ; as if a better temper of conciliation, or a 
more satisfactory harmony of decisions, could be 
expected from men, after their minds are agitated 
with disgusts and disappointments, than before they 
were thus disturbed ; though from an uncontradict- 
ed assertion it appears, that without such provoca- 

VOL. ir. K 



( 74 ) 

tions, the difficulty of reconciling the interests of 
the several states was so near to insuperable, in 
the late convention, that after many weeks spent in 
the most faithful labours to promote concord, the 
members were upon the very point of dispersing 
in the utmost disorder,, jealousy and resentment, 
and leaving the states exposed to all the tempests 
of passions, that have been so fatal to confedera- 
cies of republics. 

All these thmgs, with observations on particu- 
lar articlt s of the constitution, have been laid be- 
fore the public, and the writer of this address means 
not to repeat what has been already said. What 
he wishes, is to simplify the subject, so as to facili- 
tate the inquiries of his fellow-citizens. 

Many are the objections made to the system 
proposed. They should be distinguished. Some 
may be called locals because they spring from the 
supposed interests of individual states. Thus, for 
instance, some inhabitants of large states may de- 
sire the system to be so altered, that they may pos- 
sess more authority in the decisions of the govern- 
ment : or some inhabitants of commercial states 
may desire it to be so altered, that the advantages 
of trade may center almost wholly among them- 
selves ; and this predilection they may think com- 




( 85 ) 

ilectors^ and the days onnabicb tbey sibaUghe their 
^oteSi — wbicb day sball be the same throughout the 
United States. All the votes from the several states 
are to be transmitted to congress, and therein count- 
ed.-— r*-The president is to hold his office for four 
years. 

When these electors meet in their respective 
states, utterly vain will be the unreasonable sug- 
gestions derived from partiality. The electors 
may throw away their votes, mark, with public 
disappointment, some person improperly favoured 
by them, or jusdy revering the duties of their of- 
fice, dedicate their votes to the best interests of 
their country. 

Thi$ president will be no dictator. Two thirds 
of the representati'oes and of the senate^ may pass 
any law, notwithstanding bis dissent ; and he is 
removable and punishable for misbehaviour. 

Can this limited, fluctuating senate^ placed amidst 
such powers, if it should become willing, ever be- 
come able, to make America pass under its yoke ? 
The senators will generally be inhabitants of pla- 

ces very distant one from another. They can 

scarcely be acquainted till they meet. Few of 

them can ever act together for any length of time, 
unless their good .conduct recommends them to a 



r 



( 86 ) 

re-election ; and then there will be frequent chang- 
es in a body dependent upon the acts of other bo* 
dies J the legislatures of the several states, that are 
altering ever}^ year. MacbiaveJ and Casar Borgia 
together could not form a conspiracy in such a se- 
nate, destructive to any but themselves and their 
accomplices. 

It is essential to every good government that 
there should be some council^ permanent enough to 
get a due knowledge of afiairs internal and exter- 
nal ; so constituted, that by some deaths or remo« 
vals, the current of information should not be im- 
peded or disturbed ; and so regulated, as to be re- 
sponsible to, and controulable by the people. Where 
can the authority for combining these advantages, 
be more safely^ beneficially^ or satisfactorily lodg- 
ed, than in the senate, to be formed according to 
the plan proposed ? Shall parts of the trust be com- 
mitted to the president, vjrith counsellors who shall 
subscribe their advices ?* If assaults upon liberty 
are to be guarded against, and surely they ought 
to be with sleepless vigilance, {a) why should we 
depend more on the commander in chief oiHixt ar- 
my and navy of the United States j and of the mili- 
tia of the several states, and on his counsellors, 
whom he may secretly influence, than on the se* 

* See late publicationi. 

(m\ See Appendix— ior the noteii referred to by the JtalU letten (a) (^) 
&c respectiyely. 



( 77 ) 



LETTER 11. 



JdUT besides the objections originating from the 
before mentioned cause, that have been called locals 
there are other objections that are supposed to 
arise from maxims of liberty and policy* 

H£NC£ it ^s inferred, that the proposed system 
has such inherent vices, las must necessarily pro- 
duce a bad administration, and at length the op- 
pression of a monarchy and aristocracy in the fede- 
ral officers. 

The writer of this address being convinced by 
as exact an investigation as he could make, that 
such mistakes may lead to the perdition of his coun- 
try, esteems it his indispensable duty, strenuously 
to contend, that the ponjoer of the people pervad- 
ing the proposed system, by frequent elections, 
together with the strong confederation of the states y 
forms an adequate security against e^oery danger 
that has been apprehended. 

If this single assertion can be supported by facts 
and arguments, there will be reason to hope, that 
anxieties will be removed from the minds of some 



/ 



( 78 ) 

citizens, who are truly devoted to the interests of 
America^ and who have been thrown into perplexi- 
ties, by the mazes of multiplied and intricate dis- 
, quisitions. 

The objectors agree, that the confederation of 
the states will be strongs according to the system 
proposed, and so strongs that many of them loudly 
complain of that strength. On this part of the as- 
sertion, there is no dispute : but some of the ob- 
jections that have been published, strike at another 
part of the principle assumed, and deny, that the 
system is sufficiently founded on the ptrmer 'of the 
people. 

The course of regular inquiry demands, that 
these objections should be considered in the first 
place. If they are removed, then all the rest of 
the objections, concerning unnecessary taxations, 
standing armies, the abolishment of trial by jury, 
the liberty of the press, the freedom of commerce^ 
the judicial, executive, and legislative authorities 
of the several states, and the rights of citizens, 
and the other abuses of federal government, must, 
of consequence, be rejected, if the principle con- 
tains the salutary, purifying, and preserving quali- 
\ ties attributed to it. The question then will be — 
\ot \vJbat may be done^ ivben the government shall 



.t 

it » 



( 79 ) 

be turned into a tyranny ; but Jbov) tie government 
can be so turned ? 

Thus unembarrassed by subordinate discussi- 
ons, we may come fairly to the contemplation of 
that superior point, and be better enabled to disco* 
ver, whether our attention to it will afford any 
lights, whereby we may be conducted to peace ^ li^ 
berty, and safety. 

Thb objections, denying that the system propos- 
, ed is sufficiently founded on the power of the 
\ people^ state, that the number of the federal trus- \ 
I tees or officers, is too small^ and that they are to ; 
' hold their offices too long. 



s I 



i 



1 



One would really have supposed, that smallncss 
of number could not be termed a cause of danger, 
as influence must increase with enlargement. If 
this is a fault, it will soon be corrected, as an ad- 
dition will be often made to the number of the ^^- 
nators^ and, a much greater and more frequently, 
to that of the representatives ; and in all probabil- 
ity much sooner, than we shall be able and willing 
to bear the expence of the addition. 

As to the senate^ it never can be, and it never 
ought to be large, if it is to possess the powers, 
which almost all the objectors seem inclined to aU 



( 90 ) 

It is more pleasing, and may be more profitable 
• reflect, that, their tranquillity and prosperity 
ive commonly been promoted, in proportion to 
le strength of their government for protecting the 
orthy against the licentious. 

As in forming a political society, each individual 
ontributes some of his rights, in order that he 
lay, from a common stock of rights, Atriwt greater 
cnejits^ than he could from merely bis own ; so, 
ti forming a confederation, each political society 
hould contribute such a share of their rights, as 
dll, from a common stock of these rights, produce 
he largest quantity of benefits for them. 

But, what is that share ? and hov> to be man^ 
7ged ? Momentous questions ! Here, flattery i& 
;reason ; and error, destruction. 

Are they unanswerable ? No. Our most gra- 
cious Creator does not condemn us to sigh for un- 
attainable blessedness: but one thiiig he de^ 

mands that we should seek for happiness in his 

way, and not in our own. 

V 

Humility and benevolence must take place of 
pride and over-weening selfishness. Reason, rising 
above these mists, will then discover to us, that we 
cannot be true to ourselves, without being true to 



( 91 ) 

cthera-— «-that to love not ourselves only, but our 
neighbours also, is to love ourselves in the best 
manner— —chat to give, is to gain-^and, that we 
never, consult our own happiness more effectually, 
than when we most endeavour to correspond with 
the divine designs by communicating happiness, as 
much as we can, to our fellow-creatures. Inesti-- 
mable truth ! sufficient, if they do not barely ask 
what it is, to melt t3rrants into men, and to soothe 
the iiiflamed minds of a multitude into mildness— -» 
Inestimable truth ! which our Maker in his provi- 
dence, enables us, not only to talk and write about, 
but to. adopt in practice of vast extent, and of in- 
structive example. 

LfT VB now inquire, if there be not some princi-l 
ple^ simple as 4be lavss of nature in other instances, 
from which, as from a sbuacE, the many benefits 
of society are deduced. 

We may with reverence say, that our Creator de- 
signed men for society,* because otherwise they can^ 
not be happy« They cannot be happy without free- 
dom, nor free without security; that is, without the 
absense of fear ; nor thus secure, without society* 
The conclusion is strictly syllogistic that men 



* Society here meant a body of men ^^orerned by laws made with common 
consent* 



( 92 ) 

cannot be free without society, {b) The very estab- 
lishment thereof infers equality ; for their rights, 
their objects, and their contributions are the same ; 
and this equal freedom is like light. It is pure ; 
it is gentle ; it comes from heaven ; it gives to 
earth its value ; and every one enjoys the whole of 
it. • 

As these premises are invincible, we have ad- 
vanced a considerable way in our inquiry upon 
this deeply interesting subject. If we can deter- 
mine, what share of his rights, every individual 
must contribute to the common stock of rights in 
forming a society, for obtaining equal freedom^ 
we determine at the same time, what share of their 
rights each society must contribute to the com- 
mon stock of rights in forming a confederation, 
which is only a larger society, for obtaining equal 
freedom : for, if the deposite be not proportioned 
to the magnitude of the association, in the latter 
case, it will generate the same mischief among the 
component parts of it, from their inequality, that 
would result from a defective contribution to asso- 
ciation in the former case, among the component 
parts of it, from their inequality. 

Each individual then must contribute such a 
share of his rights, as is necessary for attaining that 
security that is essential to freedom ; and he is 



(93 ) 

bound to make this contribution by the law of his 
nature, -which prompts him to a participated hap^ 
piness ; that is, by the command of his Creator ; 
therefore, be must submit bis willy in wbat concerns 
ally to tbe will of ally tbat is of tbe wbole society. 
What does he lose by this submission ? The pow- 
er of doing injuries to others — and the dread of suf- 
fering injuries from them. What does he gain by 
it ? The aid of those associated with him, for his 
relief from the incommodities of mental or bodily 

weakness the pleasure for which his heart is 

formed-: of doing good protection against 

injuries a capacity of enjoying his undelegated 

rights to the best advantage a repeal of his 

fears — and tranquillity of mind arising from a con- 
sciousness of safety, the very essence of liberty — ^ 
or in other words, that perfect repose better de- 
scribed in the holy scriptures, than any where else 

in these expressions ** When e'oery man shall 

sit under his vine, and under his fig-tree, and none, 
shall make bim afraid.^"* (r) i 

The like submission, with a correspondent ex- 
pansion and accommodation must be made between 
statesy for obtaining the like benefits in a confede- 
ration. Men are the materials of both. As the 
largest number is but a junction of uNixsr— a con- 
federation is but an assemblage of individuals. The 
auspicious influence of that law of his nature, upon 



( 94 ) 

which the happiness of man depends in society, 
must attend him in confederation, or he becomes 
unhappy; for confederation should promote the 
happiness of indhidualsj or it does not answer the 
intended purpose.^ Herein there is a progression, 
not a contradiction. As man, he becomes a citu 
zen ; as a citizen, he becomes ?i federalist. The 
generation of one, is not the destruction of the other. 
He carries into society the naked rights received 
from nature. These thereby improved, he carries 
still forward into confederation. If that sacred law 
before mentioned, is not here observed, the confe- 
deration would not be realy but pretended. He 
would confide, and be deceived, f 



^ « We have now traced man from a natural individual, to a member of 
society — -^ciyil power, properly considered aasuch, is made up ci tht aggr^ai^ 
of that class of the natural rights, which become defective to the individual in 
point of power, and amrwerg not hi* purp9»fi ; but whed collected into a focus, 
becomes competent to thtf purpose of every one**— Let us now apply those 
principles to government. 

'* Individuals, themselves, each in his own personal and sovereign right, 
entered into a compact with each other, to produce a government ; and this 
is the only mode in which government have a right to crise, and the only 
principle on which they have a right to exist." Rights of Man, 1791. 

t " The error of those who reason by precedent, drawn from antiquity, re- 
specting the rights of man, is, that they do not go far enough into antiquity* 
They do not go the whole way. They stop in some of the intermediate stages 
of an hundred or a thousand years, and produce what was then done, as a rule 
for the prcbent day. This is no authority at all. If we travel still further 
into antiquity, we shall find a direct contraty opinion and practice prevailing ; 



C 95 } 

The expression of the general will is the law of 
confederation, as well as of society. 

The dilemma is inevitable. There must either 
be one will, or several willsv If but one will, all the 
people are concerned ; if several wills, few com- 



and if antiquity is to be authority, a thousand such authorities may be produced* 
SDccessiTely contradicting each other : but if we proceed on, at last we shall 
come out right : we shall then come to the time when man came from the hand 
of his Maker. What was he then i Man, Man was his high and only title, 
and a higher cannot be given him«>— we are now got at the origin of man, 

and at the §ngi/i of bit rigbu, Every history of the creation, and every tra- 

ditiooary account, whether from the lettered or unlettered world, however 
they may vary in their opinion or belief of certain particulars, all agree in 
esublishing one point, the unitt of man ; by which I mean that man is all 
of one degree, and consequently that all men arc born equal, and with equal na^ 
h/ral r^fitt. By considering man in this light, it placet bim in a close coftneetio» 
toitb all bit duties, whether to his Creator, or to. the creation, of which he is a 
part ; and it is only where he forgets his origin, or, to use a more fashioiub- 
ble phrase, hit birth and family, that he becomes dissolute. 

•• Hitherto we have spoken only (and that but in part) of the fla/«ra/ rights 
of man. We have n6w to consider the civil rights of man, and to shew bvw 

the one origiaatee out of the other. Man did not enter into society y to be- ■ 

come tvorse than he was before, nor to have less rights than he had before, 
but to have tbose rigbts better secured. His natural rights arc t\ie foundation of all 
his civil rights. But in order to pursue this distinction with more precision, 
it will be neccasary to mark the different qualities of natural zn^. civil rights. 

« A few words will explain this. Natural rights are those which appertain 

to man in rigbt of bis existence civil rights are those which appertain to 

man in rigbt of bis being a member of society. Every civil right has for its foun- 
dation some natural right preexisting in tbe individual, but to exert his indivb- 
dual power is not, in all cases, sufficiently competent. Of this kind are all 
thode which relate to security vnd protection. 



( 96 ) 

paritively are concerned in each* Surprizing ! that 
this doctrine should be contended for by those^ 
who declare, that the constitution is not founded 
on a bottom broad enough ; and though the whole 
people of the United States are to be trebfy repre-. 
sented in it, in three different modes of representati- 
on, and their servants will have the most advanta- 
geous situations and opportunities of acquiring all 
reqiuisite information for the welfare of the whole 
union^ yet insist for a privilege of opposing j obstruct 
ing^ and confounding all their measures taken with 
common consent, for the general weal, by the de- 
lays, negligences, rivalries, or other selfish views 
of parr^ of the union. 

Thus, while one state should be relied upon by. 
the union for giving aid, upon a recommendation 
of congress, to another in distress, the. latter might 
be ruined ; and the state relied upon, might sup- 
pose, it would gain by such an event. 



" From this short review it will be etsy to dutingBish between that dast of ^ 
natural rights, which roan retains after entering into tmety^ and thote which 
he throws intq t^mmm ituk as a member of society. The natural rights 
which he retains^ are all those in which the pnoer to execute ' is as pef fett in 

the individual as the right itself. The natoral rightt wbidi «rv m&t nknmad, 

are all those in which, though the right i« perfect in the individaal,the power 
to execnte them ia defective : tbey mmsvftr mt ibxx/m^r— those he deptits in 
the 0MMIM stock of society, and takes the arm of society, of which he is a part, 
in preference and in addition to his own. Society grmnts him nothing. Ever^ 
man is zfrcpriehr in society, and draws on the capital as a matter of right.'* 

Rights cf Man, 1791, page 30, 31. 



( 97 ) 

When any persons ^ak of a confederation, do 
they, or do they not acknowledge, that the tvbole is 
interested in the safety of every part — in the agree^ 
ment of parts — ^in the relation oi parts to one ano- 
tber^-^to the ^bvle-^^^Vj to atber societies ? If 
they do-^then, the autbority of the ivbole^ must 
be c6-e2ttensive with its in teres ts^^nxid if it is, the 
Vfill of tbe Vfboie must and ougbt in sucb cases to 
govern ; or else tbe v)bole would have interests 
without an authority to manage them — a position 
which prejudice itself cannot digest. 

If they do not acknowledge, that tbe wbole is 
thus interested^ the conversation should cease. — 
Such persons mean not a confederation, but some- 
thing else. - : 

As to the idea, that tbis superintending sovereign 
"willmust of consequence destroy the subordinate 
sovereignties of the several states, it is begging a 
concession ofthe question by inferring, that a man. 
ifest and great usefulness must necessarily end in 
abuse ; and not only so, but it requires an abandon- 
ment of tbe principle of all society : for, the subor- 
dinate sovereignties, or, in other words, the undele* 
gated rigbts ofthe several states^ in a confederation^ 
stand upon the very same foundation with the unde^ 
legated rigbts of individuals in a society j ihefede^ 

VOL. II. N 



( »8 ) 

ral sovereign to i// being composed of the subordinate 
sovereign iviils of the several confederated states.—- 
True it is, that to guard against disorder and danger, 
the line dividing between the powers of the scveiial 
states, and the powers of the union, ought to be 
drawn with the utmost accuracy of direction, and 
established by the strongest marks of discriminati- 
on. Nor does any discouraging difficulty occur, in 
this great and sacred attempt to provide in the best 
manner we can, for the happiness of ourselves and 
our children, and of the unborn millions, whose 
destinies will be so deeply affected by our councils 
and conduct. Why should we be thus alarmed, 
when we know, that the rights to be delegated by 
the several states to the confederation, are simple, 
defined, and so limitted to particular objects, that 
they cannot possibly be applied by any construction 
to other objects, without such a distortion of in- 
terpretation, and such a violation of propriety, as 
must oflFend every sound head and every honest 
heart. On this firm foundation then let us erect 
our temple of hope^ and strive to be likened 
to a wise man who builds his house upon a 
rock. " The rains may descend, the floods come, 
the winds blow, and beat on this house : yet it falls 
not, for it is founded upon a rock." As some per- 
sons seem to think a bill of rights is the best stcu- 
rity of rights, the sovereignties of the several states 
have this best security by the proposed constitution, 



( »9 ) 

and more than this best security, for ibey are not 
barely declared to be rights, but are taken into 
it as component parts for r^&^ir perpetual preservai- 
tion — —by themselves. In short, the government 
of each state is, and is to be, sovereign and supreme 
in all matters th^t relate to each state only^. It is 
to be subordinate barely in those matters that re- 
late to the whole ; and it will be their own faults, 
if the several states suffer Xht federal sovereignty to 
interfere in things of their respective jurisdictions. 
An instance of such interference with regard to 
any single state^ will be a dangerous precedent cs 
to ally and therefore will be guarded against by ally i 
as the trustees or servants of the several states will ^ 
not dare, if they rqt^in their senses, so to violate the 
independent sovereignty of their respective states, 

THAT JUSTLY. DARI,INC OBJECT of -4 W^riC£3faaffeC-» 

tions, to which they are responsible, besides being, 
engaged by all the charities of life* 

The common sense of mankind agrees to the 
devolutions of individual wills in society ^ to the 
general will expressed by the majority ; and if it 

* Each state knows best, what internal regulations are most suitoUe for 
Itself. The union is most competent to the affairs of the whole confederacy. "^ 
This distinction comprehends ease, advantage and safety ; and may be termed 
a hctTen-taught policy, as it springs up directly from those circumstances, into 
which we were cast by the dispentation of Prondence, prior to our confedera- 
tion. Whenever we shall despise the eonstitution, which has been thus point* 
ed out to us, our happiness becomes forfeited. 



( 100 ) 

has not been as universally assented ^oinfonfeder^ 
ation^ the reasons are evident, and worthy of being 
retained in remembrance by Americuns.'^—^Thej 
were in want of opportunities, or the loss of them, 
through defects of knowledge and virtue. The 
principle however has been su£Giciently vindicated 
in imperfect combinations, as their prosperity has 
generally been commensurate to its operational 

How beautifully and forceably does the inspired 
apostle Paulj argue upon a sublimer subject, with 
a train of reasoning strictly applicable to the pre- 
sent .' His words are " If the foot shall say, 

because I am not the hand, I am not of the bodj ; 
is it therefore not of the body ? and if the ear shall 
say, because I am not the eye, I am not of the bo- 
dy ; is it therefore not of the body ?" As flsdnlf 
inferring, as could be done in that allegorical man- 
ner, the strongest censure of such partial discontents 
and dissensions, especially, as his meaning is inforc- 
ed by his description of the benefits of union in 

these expressions *' But, no^ they are many 

members^ yet but one body : and the eye cannot svty 
to the hand, / bave no need of thee ; nor again, the 
head to the feet, I have no need of you.^^ 



f Joel Barhvi in his second letter to the people of these states, dated Pmrk^ 
the iwemtiai of December ^ I799> exemplifies this position by a comparison of the 
Cerwkuuc body, the Swu cantons, the United Netberlaade, and other instances. 
-*Pkge Z4» &c. 



( 101 ) 

Wren the commons of Rome upon a rupture 
urith the senate, seceded in arms at the mens sacer^ 
Menenius Agrippa used the like allusion to the hu- 
man body, in his famous apologue of a quarrel 
among some of the members. The unpolished but 
honest^hearted Romans of that day, understood him, 
and were appeased. 

Another comparison has been made by the 
learned, between a natural and. a political ^(^^ / 
and no wonder indeed, when the title of the latter 
was borrowed from the resemblance. It has there- 
fore been justly observed, that if a mortification 
takes place in one or some of the limbs, and the rest 
of the body is sound, remedies may be applied, and 
Hot only the contagion prevented from spreading, 
but the diseased part or parts sa^ed by the connec- 
tion with the body, and restored to former usdul- 

ncss. When general putrefaction prevails, death 

is to be expected. History, sacred and profane, tells 
us, that, corruption of manners sinks nations int(( 
slavery. 

FABIUS. 



( 102 ) 



LETTER IF. 

Another question remains. Hov) are the 
contributed rights to be managed ? The resolution 
has been in great measure anticipated, by what has 
been said concerning the system proposed. Some 
&w reflections may perhaps finish it. 

If it be considered separately, a constitution is- 
the organization of the contributed rights in socie«> 
\y. Gov£RKH£NT is the EXERCISE of them. It is 
intended for the benefit of the governed ; of course 
can have no just powers but what conduce to that 
end: and the awfulness of the trust \s demonstrate^ 

in this that it is founded on the nature of man, 

that is, on the will pf his maker, and 13 therefore 
sacred. It is then an offence against heaven, to' 
violate that trust.* 



* A ce/iitiMiou is not a thing in name only, but in fact— — it has not an 
ideal hut a real existence, and wherever it cannot be prodaced in a risible 
form, there is none. A constitution is a thing antecedent to a government ; and a 

goyernment is only the creature of a constitution. A constitution of a 

country is not the act of its government, but of the people constituting a go- 
vernment. It is the body of elements to which you can refer, and quote arti- 
cle by article ; and which contains the principles on which the government 
•hall be established, the manner in which it shall be organized, the powers it 
shall have, the mode of election, the duration of parliaments, or by what other 



( 103 ) 

If the organization of a constitution be defective, 
it may be amended. 

A good constitution promotes, but not always 
produces a good administration. 

The govemnaent must never be lodged in a. sifu 
gle body. From such an cmic, toitb an unlucky com-- 
position of its parts, rash, partial, illegal, and when 
intoxicated with success, even cruel, insolent and 
contemptible edicts, may at times be expected.^— 
By these ^ if other mischiefs do not follow, the nati- 
onal dignity may be impaired. 



name such bodies may be called, the powers which the executive part of the 
gOTeniment shall hare ; and, in fine, ererj thing x\ax relates to the complete 
tfiywrfatfiww of a cMl j^ovemment, tad che'priBciplei oa whidixt ikafl act^nd 
by which it shall be bound. Riobtj ofMam^pagt 35, 36- 

** What is a mutikdhn ^ It is theyarw tfgtmirtmaij delineated by the nilgh« 
ty hand of the peopk, in which catunfrHfrimflkt or fundamental laws are 
esta b lis h ed* The constitution is certain and fixed ; it contains the permanent will 
of the people, and is the supreme law of the land ; it is paramount to the 
power of the legislature, and can be revoked or altered only by the authority, 
that made it.—— What are l^isJafttrtt T Creatures of the aHutkutuM^ they 
owe their existence to the eonsiituthu^-r'^ihtj derive their powen from the 

eotutittttioH It is their commution^ and therefore all their acts must be coo- 

formable to it, or else void. The eonstittOion is the work or tviU of the /m^ ■ 
themselves^ in their original, sovereign, and ualimltted capacity. Law m the 
work or will of the legislature in their derivative capacity.*' 

Judge PaUersM*t charge to the jary in the Wioming case of Vanbom^s 
lessee against XhrroMet tried at the circuit-court for the United States; 
iMUat Phikidclphia, ^fril tcrai, V795. 



( 104 ) 

Several inconveniences might attend a divisi* 
on of the government into two bodies, that proba* 
bly would be avoided in another arrangement. 

The judgment oi the most enlightened among 
mankind, confirmed by multiplied experiments^ 
points out the propriety of government being coin- 
mitted to such a number of great departments, as 
can be introduced without confusion j distinct in 
office y and yet connected in operation. It seems to 
be agreed, that three or four of these departments 
are a competent number. 

Such a repartition appears well calculated to ex- 
press the sense of the people, and to increase the 
safety and repose of the governed, which, with the 
advancement of their happiness in other respects, 
are the objects of just government ; as thereby there 
will be more obstructions interposed against er- 
rors, feuds, and frauds, in the administration, and 
the extraordinary interference of the people need 
be less frequent. Thus, wars, tumults, and unea- 
sinesses, are avoided. The departments so con- 
stituted, may therefore be said to be balanced. 

But, notwithstanding, it must be granted, that 

a bad administration may take place. What is 

then to be done ? The answer is instantly found- 
let the fasces be lowered before the supreme 



( los ) 

sovereignty of the people. It is their duty to vidteb^ 
and their right to take care^ that the constitution 
be preserved ; or in the Roman phrase on perilous 

occasions to provide^ that the republic receive 

no damage. 

Political bodies are properly said to be balance 
ed^ with. respect to this primary origination and 
ultimate destination^ not to any intrinsic or consti- 
tutipnal properties.* — It is tht power from which 

* Constitutional propertiet are only, at has been observed at the beginning^ 
of this letter, parts in the organization of the contributed rights. As long as 
those paru preserve the orders assigned to them respectively by the consiitu« 
tion, they may so far be said to be balanced : but, when one fart, without be- 
iilg sufficiently checked by the rest, abuses its power to tbt manifest danger of 
puUu huffinessf or when the several parU abuse their respective p^ers so as. to 
involve the commonwealth in the like peril, the feofle riHist restore thipgf 
to that order, from which their functionaries have departed. If the feoflk 
Mffer thii Lrviico primcifle of watcqfui,nbss and conteoul to be ex* 
tingnished among them, they will assuredly not long, afterwards experience 
that of their ** temple,*' ** there shall not be left one stone upon another, th»t 
shall not be thrown down.** 

*' Though in a constituted commonwealth,'* says the ever admired Loch^ 
^ standing upon its own basis, and acting according to its own nature, that is, 
acting for the preservation of the community, there can be but one supreme 
power, which ts the legislative, to which all the rest are, and must be snbordi* 
nate ; yet the legislative being only ^Jidudary power , to act for certain ends, 
there remains still in the people, to remove or alter the legislative, when they 
find the legislative aa contrary to the trust reposed in them. For all power 
given witb trutt £ot the attaining f« tmi^ being limitted by that end, whenever 
that end is manifestly neglected or opposed, the trust must necessarily be fit^ 
feiteJ, and the power devolve into the hands of those who gave it, who ma^ 

VOL. II* Q 



( 106 ) 

they proceed^ and which they servcy that truly and 
of right bdlances them.f 

But, as a good constitution not always prodaces 
a good administration, a defective one not always 
excludes it. Thus, in governments very different 
from those of United America^ general manners and 
customs, improvement in knowledge, and the edu* 

place it anew where they shaU think hett for thdr safety and security : and 
thus the community perpetually retains a supreme power of savimg thenueWes 
from the attempts and designs even oftbeir Ugitlators^ whenever they shall be 
9ofwditb or so wickeJf as to lay and carry on designs against the liberties and 
properties of the subjects. If they who say this hypothesis lays a foundatkn 
for rebellion, mean that it tnay occasion civil wars or intestine broils, to tell 
the people that they are absolved from obedience, when illegal attempts are 
made upon their liberties and properties, they may as well say, upon the same 
ground, that honest men may not oppose robbers or pirates, because this mty 
occasion disorder or bldodshed. I desire it may be considered what kind of 
peace there will be in the world, which is to be maintained only for the bene- 
fit of robbers and oppressors. Polyphemus s den gives us a perfect pattern of 
such a peace ; such a government, wherein Uljstes and his companiona had 
nothing to do but quietly suffer themselves to be devoured. Are the pco]ile 
to be blamed if they have the sense of rational creatures, and can think of 
things no ethertvise than as tbeyjind and feel tbem f And is it not rather their 
fault, %obo put things in such a posture, that they would not have them tbotigbiu 
they are f But whether the mischief hath, oftener begun in the people's waaton- 
ness, or in the rulers insolence, / leave to impartial history to determine,** 

f When the emtrouUng power is in a constitutson, it has the nation for its iBp- 
party and the natural and the political controuling powers are together. The 
laws which are enacted by governments, controul men only as individuals, hot 
the nation, through its constitution controuls the whole government, and has tM* 
htral abiiOy to do so. The Jinal eantrouling power, therefore, and the •r^U 
mnstituHng power, are we and the sameprwer. 

Rights of Man, Jj^%,part id, hook 49pafge4%» 



( 107 ) 

cation and disposition of princes, not unfrequently 
soften the features, and qualify the defects. Jewels 
of value are substituted, in the place of the rare and 
genuine orient of highest price and brighest lustre: 
and though the sovereigns cannot even in their min- 
isters, be brought to account by the governed, yet 
there are instances of their conduct indicating a ve- 
neration for the rights of the people, and an inter- 
nal conviction of the guilt that attends their viola* 
tion. Some of them appear to ht fathers of their 
countries. Revered princes t Friends of man^ 
kind f May peace be in their lives*— and in their 
deaths — hope. 

JBrthis superior nvill of the people, is meant a 
rea84)nable will. When frenzy seizes the mass, it 
would be equal madness to think of their happiness, 
that is, of their freedom. They will infallibly have 
a F hi lip or a Casar,. to bleed them into soberness 
of mind. At present we are cool ; and let us at- 
tend to our business. 

Our government under the proposed confedera- 
tion, will be guarded by a repetition of the strong- 
est cautions against excesses. In the senate the 
sovereignties of the several states will be equally 
represented ; in the house of representatives, the 
/iri^j^/^ of the whole union will be equally represent* 



i 



( 108 ) 

edi and, in iht president^ and the federal indepen* 
dent judges^ so much concerned in the cxecutidn 
of the laws, and in the determination of their con- 
stitutionality, the sovereignties of the several states 
and the people of the whole union, may be consider* 
ed as conjointly represented. 

Where was there ever, and where is there now, 
upon the face of the earth, a government so diver- 
sified and attempered ? If a work formed with so 
much deliberation, so respectful and affectionate an 
attention to the interests, feelings, and sentitnents 
of all United America^ will not satisfy what would 
satisfy all United America ? 

It seems highly probable, that those who would 
reject this labour of public love, would also have 
rejected the heaven-taught institution of trial 
BY JURY, had they been consulted upon itis estab- 
lishment. Would they not have cried out, that 

there never was framed so detestable, so paltry, and 
so tyrannical a device for extinguishing freedom, 
and throwing unbounded domination into the hands 
pf the king and barons, under a contemptible pre- 
tence of preserving it ? " What ! Can freedom 
be preserved by imprisoning its guardians ? Can 
freedom be preserved, by keeping twelve men close- 
ly conjined yfithont meat^ drink^Jire^ or candle jUn- 
til they unanimously agree^ and this to be innume- 



( 109 ) 

rably repeated? Can freedom be preserved, by 
thus delivering up a number of freemen to ^, mo^ 
narcb and an aristocracy^ fortified by dependent 
and obedient judges and officers, to be shut up, un* 
. til under duress they speak as tbey are ordered ?— 
Why cannot the twelve jurors separate^* after hear- 
ing the evidence, return to their respective bomeSj 
and there take time^* and think of the matter at 
their ease ?^ Is there not a variety of vjays^ in 
which causes have been, and can be tried, without 
this tremendous^ unprecedented inquisition ? Why 
then is it insisted on ; but because the fabricators 
of it knov) that it wi//, and intend that it shall re- 
duce the people to slavery ? Away with it. — Free- 
men will never be enthralled by so insolent, so ex- 
ecrable, so pitiful a contrivance." 

Happily for us our ancestors thought others- 
wise. They were not so over-nice and curious, 
as to refuse blessings, because, they might possibly 
be abused. f 

They perceived, that the uses included w:ere — 
great and manifest. Perhaps they did not foresee, 

* See late publications againit the federal constitution. 

f Trial by jury secures, to Ue ptopk an immediate power in tbetxecutUn 
of laws, whereby the neglect, evasion, or perversion of them is prevented : 
unless juries become so ignorant or to hate^ as not to know, or not to value their 
own dear and iflmimabk #i^A«f. 



( "o ) 

that from this acorn, as it were, of their plantings 
would be produced a perpetual vegetation of poli- 
tical energies, that ^^ would secure the just liberties 
of the nation for a long succession of ages,"* and 
elevate it to the distinguished rank it has for seve- 
ral centuries held* As to abu^es^ they trusted to 
their own spirit for preventing or correcting them : 
and worthy is it of deep consideration by every- 
jfriend of freedom, that abuses that seems to be but 
•' triftes^'^^^ may be attended by fatal consequences. 
What can be *^ trifling ^^^ that diminishes or de- 
tracts from the only defence, that ever was found 
against *' open attacks and secret machinations ?"J 
This establishment originates from a knowledge of 
human nature. With a superior force, wisdom^ 
and benevolence united, it rives the difficulties con- 
cerning administration of justice, that have distress- 
ed, or destroyed the rest of mankind. It reconciles 

contradicticms fastness of ponder ^ with safety 

of private statitm. It is enyer a^w, and ah^ays the 
same. 

Trial by jury, and the dependence of taxation 
upon representation, those corner stones of liberty, 
were not obtained by a bill of rights or any other 
KE CORDS, and have not been and cannot be pre- 
served by them. They and all other rights must 
be jH^served, by soundness of sense and honesty ef 

• Blackitonty III. 379. f J^«^ IV. 350. t /<*«»• "^ 3^1. 



( ni ) 

heart :-^ — Compared with fj&tf^^, what are a bill' 
of rights or any characters drawn upon paper or 
FARCHkENx, those frail remembrancers ? Dowc 
want to be reminded, that the sun cnlightena, 
warms, invigorates, and cheers ? or how horrid it 
would be, to have his rays intercepted by out being 
thrust for life, iiito mines or dungeons \ Liberty is 
the sun of society. Rights are the rays.* 

"It is the duty which every man owes to his 
country, his friends, his posterity, and himself, to 
maintain to the utmost of his power this valuable 
palladium in all its rights ; to restore it to its an* 
cient dignity, if at all impaired by the different 
value of property, or otherwise deviated from its 
first institution ; to amend it^ wherever it is defect* 
ive; (d) and above all, to guard with the most 
jealous circumspection against the new and arbitra* 
ry methods of trial, which, under a variety of plaur 
iS^ible pretences, may in time imperceptibly under* 
mine this best preservative of liberty.'^f Trial by 



• Instead of referring to musty secords and mouldy parchments t6 
prove that the rights of the living are lost, *' renounced, and aVdlcated for 
€rct" by those who are now no more. M. de la Fayette^ in his address to the 
national assembly, applies to the living world, and says — ^ Call to mind the 
sentiments which nature has engraved in the heart of every citizen, and which 
^e a new £ice when they are solemnly recogimud by all. For a nation to 
Ibve liberty ^ it is sufficient that she knows it ; and to be free, it is sufficient that 
she wills it.** Rights cf Man, page II. 

t ^iacht^my IV. 350. • 



( 112 ) 

jury 15 our birth-right ; and tempted to his own 
ruin, by some seducing spirit, must be the man, 
who in opposition to the genius of United Ameri* 
ca^ shall dare to attempt its subversion. 

In the proposed confederation, it is preserved in- 
violable in criminal cases, and cannot be altered in 
other respects, but when United America demands 
it. 

There seems to be a disposition in men to find 
. fault, no difficult matter, rather than to act as they 
ought. The works of creation itself have been ob- 
jected to : and one learned prince declared, that if 
he had been consulted, they would have been im- 
proved. With what book has so much fault been 
found, as with the Bible? Perhaps principally, be- 
cause it so clearly and strongly enjoins men to do 
RIGHT. How many, how plausible objections have 
been made against it, with how much ardor, with 
how much pains ? Yet, the book has done more 
good than all the books in the world ; would do 
much more, if duly regarded ; and might lead the 
objectors against it to happiness, if they would 
value it as they should. 

When objections are made to a system of high 
import, should they not be weighed against the 
benefits ? Are these great, positive, immediate ? 



( 113 

Is there a chance of endangering them by rejection 
or delay ? May they not be attained without admitting 
the objections at present ^ supposing the objections to be 
well founded ? If the objections are well founded, 
nniay they not be hereafter admitted without danger, 
disgust, or inconvenience ? Is the system so formed, 
that they may ]be thus admitted ? May they not be of 
less efficacy, than they are thought to be by their 
authors ? are they not designed to hinder evils, 
which are generally deemed to be sufficiently pro- 
vided against ? May not the admission of them pre- 
vent benefits, that might otherwise be obtained ? 
In political affiiirs, is it not more safe and advan- 
tageous, for all to agree in measures that may not 
be best, than to quarrel among themselves^ what are 
best ? 

When questions of this kind with regard to the 
plan proposed, are calmly considered^ it seems rea- 
sonable to hope, that every faithful citizen of Unit' 
ed America^ will make up his mind, with much 
satisfaction to himself, and advantage to his coun- 
try, 

FABIUS- 



VOL. II. 



( 114 ) 



LETTER r. 



I T has been considered, v)hat are the rights 
to be contributed^ and bow tbey are to be managed; 
and it has been said, that republican tranquillity 
and prosperity have commonly been promoted, in 
proportion to the strength of government for pro- 
tecting the iDortby against the licentious. 

The protection herein mentioned, refers to cases 
between citizens and citizens, or states and states: 
but there is also a protection to be afforded to all 
the citizens, or states, against foreigners. It has 
been asserted, that tbis protection never can be af- 
forded, but under an appropriation, collection, and 
application, of the general force, by the will of the 
whole combination. This protection is in a degree 
dependent on the former, as it may be weakened 
by internal discords, and especially where the worst 
party prevails. It is the security of life, liberty and 
property, that renders public safety itself a bless- 
ing. Hence it is evident, that such establishments 
as tend most to protect the worthy against the /i- 
centious^ tend most to protect all against foreign- 
ers. This position is found to be verified by indis- 



( 115 J 

putable facts, from which it appears, that when na- 
tions have been, as it were, condemned for their 
crimes^ unless they first became. ^«fVfflf^^, foreign- 
ers have acted as executioners. 

This is not all. As government is intended for 
the happiness of the people, the protection of tlhc 
worthy against those of contrary characters, is cal- 
culated to promote the end of le^timate govern- 
ment, that is, the general Hji) elf are ; iov the govern- 
ment will partake of the qualities of those whose authority 
is prevalent. If it be asked, who are the worthy, we 
may be informed by a heathen poet 

" Vir bonus est quis ? 
*' Qui consultapatrum, qui leges juraque servat"* 

The best foundations of this protection, that can 
be made laid by men, are a constitution and govern- 
ment secured, as well as can be, from the undue 
influence of passions either in the people or their . 
servants. Then in a contest between citizens and * 
citizens, or states and states, the standard of laws 
may be displayed, explained and strengthened by the 
well -remembered sentiments and examples of our 
fore-fathers, which will give it a sanctity far supe- 
rior to that of their eagles so venerated by the for- 

* He who reveres the coDstitution, liberties, and laws of his countiy. 
The dominion of lawt^ is the onlj dominion acknowledged bj freemen.- 



( 116 ) 

mer masters of the world. This circumstance will 
carry powerful aids to the true friends of their 
country, and unless counteracted by the follies of^ 
P burs alia ^ or the accidents of Pbilippi^ may secure 
the blessings of freedom to succeeding ages. 

It has been contended, that the plan proposed to ' 
to us, adequately secures us against the influence 
oi passions in the federal servants. Whether it as 
adequately secures us against the influence oipas- 
sions in the people, or in the particular states, time 
'will determine^ and may the determination be pro- 
pitious. 

Let us now consider the tragical play of the pas- 
sions in similar cases ; or, in other words, the con- 
sequences of their irregularities. Duly governed, , 
they produce happiness. 

Here the reader, is respectfully requested, to 
assist the intentions of the writer, by keeping in 
mind, the ideas of a single republic with one de- 
mocratic branch in its government, and of a confe- 
deration of republics with one or several demdfcratic 
branches in the government of the confederation, 
or in the government of its parts, so that as he pro- 
ceeds, a comparison may easily run along, between 
any of these and the proposed plan. 



( 117 ) 

History is entertaining and instructive: but, if 
admired chiefly for amusement, it may yield little 
profit. If read for improvement, it is apprehended,, 
a slight attention only will be paid to the vast vari- 
ety of particular incidents, unless they be such as 
may meliorate the heart. A knowledge of the dis- 
tinguishing features of nations, the principles of 
their governments, the advantages and disadvant- 
ages of their situations, the methods employed to 
avail themselves of the first, and to alleviate the last, 
their manners, customs and institutions, the sources 
of events, their progresses, and determining causes, 
may be eminently useful, tho' obs^curity may rest 
upon a multitude of attending circumstances.— * 
Thus, one nation may become prudent and hippy, 
not only by the wisdom and success, but even by 
the errors and misfortunes of another. 

In Carthage and Rome^ there was a very numer- 
ous senate^ strengthened by prodigious attach- 
ments, and in a great degree independent of the 
people. In Athens^ there was a senate strongly 
supported by the powerful court of Areopagus. In 
each of these republics, their affairs at length be- 
came convulsed, and their liberty was subverted. 
What cause produced these effects? Encroach- 
ments of the senate upon the authority of the peo- 
ple ? No ! but directly the reverse, according 

to the unanimous voice of historians ; that is, en- 



( 118 ) 

encroachments of the people upon the authority of 
the senate. The people of these republics abso* 
lately laboured for their own destruction; and never 
thought themselves so free^ as when they were 
promoting their own subjugation. Though, even 
after these encroachments had been made, and ruin 
was spreading around, yet the remnants of senato* 
rial authority delayed the final catastrophe. f 

In more modern times, the Florentines exhibit-^ 
ed a memorable example. They were divided in- 
to violent parties ; and the prevailing one vested 
exorbitant powers in the house of Mediciy then 
possessed, as it was judged, of more money, than 
any crowned head in Europe. Though, that house 
engaged and persevered in the attempt, yet the 
people were never despoiled of their liberty, until 
the Medici contrived to have them overwhelmed by 
the armies of foreign princes, to whose enterprizes 
their situation exposed them. 



t The great Bac9nt in cnnmeratuig the arts by which Casar enslaved hxi 

conntry, says ^** His^rrf artifice was to break the strength of the temaie^ 

for while that remained safe, there was no opening for any person to immode- 
rate or extraordinary power" — — ** Nam initio sibi erant frangendz senatus opes 
ct autoritaa, qua salva nemini ad, immodica et extra ordinariaimperia aditiit 
crat." Busua^ bishop of Meauxj takes notice in his nniTersal history, that the 
infamous Herod, to engross authority, attacked the Sanhedrim, which was in a 
manner /A* /m«/«, where the supreme jurisdiction was exercised," 



( 119 ) 

Republiqs of later date and various form have 
appeared. Their institutions consist of old errors 
tbsued with hasty inventions, somewhat excusable, 
as the wills of the Romans ^ made with arms in their 
hands. Some of them were condensed,* by dan* 
gers. They are still compressed by them into a 
sort of union. Their well known transactions 
witness, that their connection is not enough com- 
pact and arranged. They have all suffered or are 
suffering through that defect. Their existence 
seems to depend more upon others^ than upon them- 
selves. ^[ There might be an impropriety in saying* 
more, considering the peculiarity of their circum- 
stances at this time. 

Th? wretched mistake of the great men who were 
leaders in thd^ long parliament of England^ in 
attempting, by not filling up vacancies, to extend 
their power over a brave and sensible people, ac- 
customed to POPULAR REPRESENTATION, and their 
downfal, when their victories and puissance by sea 



* ** If we consider what the principles are that first comoemsx man intir 
society^ and what the motive is that regulates their mutnal intercourse after- 
wards, we shall find, hy the time we arrive at what is called government, that 
nearly the whole of the busincsa is peiformed by the natural operation of the 

parts upon each other.*' 

RlQHTS of Mtm. 

f This opinion has been verified by facts that have taken place several years 
since its publication. 



( 120 ) 

and land had thrown all Europe into astonishment 
and awe, shew, how difl&cult it is for rulers to usurp 
over a people who are not wanting to them- 
selves, {e) 

Let the fortunes of confederated republics be 
now considered. 

" The Amphictionic council,^^ or " general 
court of Greece^'' claims the first regard. Its autho-c 
rity was very great : but, the parts were not suflS- 
ciently combined, to guard against the ambitious, 
avaricious, and selfish projects of some of them ; 
or, if they had the authority, they dared not to em- 
ploy it, as the turbulent states were very sturdy, 
and made a sort of partial confederacies.* 



* When Xerxes invaded Greece with the largest host and the greatest fleet 
that ever were collected, events occurred, which heing preserved in historj, 
convey to us a very affecting and instructive information. 

While the danger was at some distance, the states of Greece looked to remote 
friends for assistance. Disappointed in these expectations^ tho* the vast armar 
ments sf their enemies were constantly rolling towards them, still there was no 
firmness in their union, no vigor in their resolutions. 

The Peritaft army passed the He/Uspwi, and directed its march westward. 
It ¥ras then decided, that TLessaly was the frontier to be first attacked. 

The ThessalianSf than whom no people had been more forward in the com- 
mon cause, hastened a remonstrance to Corhtby urging that unless they were 
immediately and powerfully supported, necessity would oblige them to make 
terms with the invaders. 



( 121 ) 

" '7j7ir Achadn league*'* seems tobe thi next 
in dignity, f It was at first, small, consisting of few 
states : afterwards, very extensive, consisting of ma* 

This reasonable remonstraote roused the sluggish and hesitating couocik 6f 
the confederaqr* A body of foot was dispatched, who soon occupied the valley 
of Tempcy the only pass from Lnoer Macedonia into Thetsaly. 

In a few days, these troops being informed that there was aaother pass fircna 
l(jffer MaudoHta, returned to the Cormtbian isthmus. 

The: TkutalkBiu than deserted* madd their submissioii^ 

** This retreat from Tempe appears to have been a precipitate measure, rendeif- 
ed necessary by nothing so much as by trc want of soii^b powers of g^ 
▼eraaieBt eztendisg •▼er the scTerai states which composed the ccnifederacf .'" 

MiTFOHi>'s History of Greece, 

With diminished forces, the defence of the confederates was now to be con* 
tracted. But in the conduct even of this business daily becoming more urgent, 
we find them labouring under the dt/eas of their confederation. 

Destitute of any student fewer extending over the whole, no part could coi^ 
fide in the protection of tbe vfbole, while the naval superiority of their enemy 
put it in his choice, where, when, and how to make his attacks; and therefore 
each republic seems to have been anxious to reserve its own strength for future 
contingencies. 

Their generous hearts all beat at the call of freedon; but their efforts were 
embarrassed and enfeebled by the vicet ef their politiccd ematiuaUn^ to their prod*^ 
gious detriment, and almost to their total destruction. For these vices, the ardOT 
of heroism united with love of country could not compensate. These very vices 
therefore, may truly be said to have wasted the blood of patriots, and to have 
betrayed their country into the severest calamities. 

f The J^dwr confcdcratioii in Ade^ feemsiMi hatVaitt^'rVltetaftiied tBcf AAmm 
league. 
VOLt II. Q 



( 122 ) 

ny. In their diet or congress, they enacted laws, 
disposed of vacant employments, declared war, 
made peace, entered into alliances, compelled eveiy 
state of the union to obey its ordinances, and manag- 
ed other affairs. Not only their laws, but their 
magistrates, council, judges, money, weights and 
measures, were the same. So uniform were they, 
that all seemed to be but one state. Their chief 
officer called Strdtegos^ was chosen in the congress 
by a majority of votes. He presided in the con- 
gress, commanded the forces, and was vested with 
great powers, especially in time of war : but was 
liable to be called to an account by the congress, 
and punished, if convicted of misbehaviour. 

These states had been oppressed by the kings of 
Macedoriy and insulted by tyrants. " From their 
incorporation," says Polybius^ ** may be dated the 
birth of that greatness, that by a constant augment- 



If WE shall hereafter by experience discover any vices in our constitution, let 
us HASTEN with prudencc and a fraternal affection for each other, to correct 
''them. We trt etU enAmrked In tie smnu vessel, andefuaihf eauenud im refmiring my 
defeOs. 

Let US rouse up all our faculties, and generously strive to diicoveri how 
much happiness may be produced by political institutions. 

. On the nations, whose liberty has perished by the errors of their attemptf» 
we cannot but bestow a sympathetic remembrance. That remembrance maj 
be useful; for such evenu are instructors of succeeding ages. 



t 123 ) 

ation, at length arrived to a marvellous height of 
prosperity. The fame of their v)ise lav)s and mild 
gavemmeni reached, the . Greek colonies in Ifaiyy 
where the Crotoniates^ the Sybarites^ and the Can* 
Imiates^ agreed to adopt them, and to govern their 
states conformably," 

. Dm the delegates to the Ampbictionic cauncil^ 
or to ^be congress of the Acbaan league^ destroy the 
liberty of their country, by establishing a monar- 
chy or an aristocracy among themselves ? Quite the 
contrary. While the se^oeral states continued faith* 
ful to the union^tbey prospered. Their affairs were 
shattered by dissensions, emulations, and civil wars, 
artfully and diligently fomented by princes who 
thought it their interest ; and in the case of the 
Acbaan league^ partly, by the folly and wickedness 
of Greeks not of the league, who repined at the 
glories, that constantly attended the banner of free- 
dom, supported by courage, and conducted by pru- 
dence. Spears plunged by Grecian hands into 

Grecian bosoms most horrible hostility ! Some 

portion of art, science, or virtue, perishing with 

every wound so broke their power, that at last 

they all sunk, the envied and the envying chained 
together, under the domination first of Macedon^ 
and then of Rome : and ever since, for more than 
two thousand years, the illuminating genius of that 
glorious nation .has been lost to the world, while. 



( 124 ) 

the desendents of the heroes who fought at TbermO'- 
pyU^ Marathon^ Salamie^ Platea^ and Mycale^ 
have groaned in servitude. Such are the virages of 
civil discord. (/) 

Let any man of common sense peruse the gloomy 
but instructive pages of their mournful story, and 
he will be convinced, that if any nation could suc- 
cessfully have resisted those conquerors of the 
world, the illustrious deed had been atchieved by 
Greece^ that cradle of republics ; if the several states 
had been cemented by some such league as the 
Acbaariy and had honestly fulfilled in obligations. \ 

It is not pretended, that the Achaean league was 
perfect, or that there were not monarchical and 
aristocratical factions among the people of it. Eve- 
ry concession of that sort, that can be asked, shall 
be made. It had many defects ; every one of which, 
however, has been avoided in the plan proposed 
to us. 

With all its defects, with all its disorders, yet 
such was the life and vigor communicated through 
the njobolcy by the popular representation of each 
party and by the dose combination of ally f tha-t 

1|Q gotefiiUj reoembertti^ that from Greece^ through the long 

die dMjclcw eontention of events, we have received the taered 

hmwiwi^ out nich amazing delrrcrances in the old and 




( 135 ) 

the true spirit of rtp}xhliGW[dsm predominated, and 
thereby advanced the happiness and glory of the 
people to fib pre-eminent a state, that oua ideas up*^ 
on the pleasing theme cannot be too elevated. Here 
is the proof of this assertion. When the Romans 
had laid Carthage in ashes ; had reduced the king- 
dom of Macedon to a province ; had conquered An- 
tiocbus the great, and got the better of all their 
enemies in the East ; these Romans^ masters of so 
much of the then known world, determined to hum- 
ble the Acbaan league ^ because as history expressly 
informs us, " their great power began to raise no small 
jealousy at Rome.^X 



f The two principles here stated, under the titles of ** popular representation 
•feach part, and close combinaiion ofaU" are in letter the third styled, *< the power 
of ibe people pervading the system, and the strong confederation of the states ;**— in 
which letter, their mutual relation, and arranged co-operation, are explained. 

Thefe principles Joel Barhnv mentions, but chooses to call them " repre^ 

tentative democracy, and federalising of states,* adding that they " are the 

two most consoling principles, that political experience has yet brought to 

light." 

Joel BarUnv% second letter to the people of these states, dated at Paris^ 
the 20th of December, 1 799. 

\ Polybius, 

It is worthy of attention, that the most splendid pages of history, are 
those, that display the prodigies which the sentiment of liberty is capable of pro- 
ducing in free nations. 

** Yes ! mtbat generous cause, for ever strong 
** The patriot's virtue, and the poet*s song, 
** Still as the tide of ages rolls away, 
<< Shall charm the world, unconscious of decay." 



( 126 ) 

What a vast weight of argument do these £Eict8 
and circumstances add to the maintenance of tbe 
principle contended for by the writer of this ad- 
dress ? 



FABIUS. 



( 127 ) 



LETTER FL 

OOME of our fellow-citizens have ventured to 
predict the future fate of United America j if thc| 
system proposed to us, shall be adopted. 

Though every branch of the constitution and 
government is to be popular, and guarded by the 
strongest provisions, that until this day have occur- 
red to mankind, yet the system will end, they say, 
in the oppression of a monarchy or aristocracy by 
the federal servants or some of them. 

Such a conclusion seems not in any manner 

suited to the premises. It startles, yet, not so 

much from its novelty, as from the respectability 
of the characters by which it is drawn. 

Wi; must not be too much influenced by our 
esteem for those characters : but, should recollect, 
that when the fancy is warmed, and the judgment 
inclined, by the proximity or pressure of particu- 
lar objects, very extraordinary declarations are not 
unfrequently made. Such are the frailties of our 
nature, that genius and integrity sometimes afford 
no protection against them. 



( i28 ) 

Probably, there never was, and never will be, 
such an instance of dreadful denunciation, concern- 
ing the fate of a country, as was published while the 
union was in agitation between England and Scot- 
land. The English were for a joint legislature, ma- 
uy of the Scots fcM* separate legislatures, and urged, 
that they should be in a manner swallowed up and 
lost in the other, as then tbey would not possess one 
eleventh part in it. 

Upon that occasion, lord Belhaven^ one of the 
most distinguished orators of the age, made in the 
Scottish parliament a famous speech, of which the 
following extract is part : 

*' My lord chancellor y 

" When I consider this affair of an union be- 
tween the two nations, as it is expressed in the se- 
veral articles thereof, and now the subject of our 
deliberation at this time, I find my mind crowded 
with a variety of 'oery melancholy thoughts^ and I 
think it my duty to disburthen myself of some of 
them, by laying them before and exposing themi to 
the serious consideration of this honourable house. 

** I THINK, I see a free and independent kingdom 
delivering u^ tbct^ which all the world hath been 
fighting for since the days e{ Nimrod ; yea, tJbaty 



( 12? ) 

for which most of all the empires, kingdoms, states, 
principalities and dukedoms of Europe^ are at this 
very time engaged in the most bloody and cruel 
wars that ever were ; to wity a power to manage their 
own affairs by themselves y without the assistance andcoun^ 
cilof any other. 

"I THINK, I see J national churchy founded 
upon a rock, secured by a claim of rights hedged 
and fenced about by the strictest and pointedest 
legal sanctions that sovereignty could contrive, vo- 
luntarily descending into a plain, upon an equal 
level with Jewsy Prists, Socinians, Jrminians, Anabap^ 
tists, and other sectaries, &c. 

*' I THINK, I see the noble and honorable peerage of 
Scotland, whose valiant predecessors led armies 
against their enemies, upon their own proper 
charges and expences, now divested of their fol- 
lowers and vassalages, and put upon such an equal 
foot with their vassals, that I think, I see a petty 
English EXCISEMAN receive more homage and re- 
spect, than what was paid formerly to their quondam 
Mackallamors. 

" I THINK, I see the present peers of Scotland, 
whose noble ancestors conquered provinces, over- 
run countries, reduced and subjected towns and 

VOL. II, R 



( 130 ) 

fortified places, exacted tribute througb the great- 
est part oi England^ now walking in the court ofrc- 
quests^ like so many English attornies, laying aside 
their walking swords when in company with the 
English peers, lest their self-defence should be found 
murder. 

" I THINK, I see the honorable estate of barons^ 
bold assertors of the nation's rights and liberties the 
in the worst of times, now setting a ivatch upon their 
lips J and a guard upon their tongues^ lest they be 
found guilty of scandalum magnatum. 

" I THINK, I see the royal state of boroughs ^ 
walking their desolate streets^ hanging down their 
heads under disappointments ; worm'd out of all 
the branches of their old trade^ uncertain vjbat 
hand to turn to^ necessitated to become apprentices 
to their unkind neighbours, and yet after all find* 
ing their trade so fortified by companies and secur* 
ed by prescriptions, that they despair of any success 
therein. 

"I THINK, I see our learned judges laying aside 
their practiques and decisions^ studying the com- 
mon law of England^ gravelled with certioraries^ 
nisi priuseSf writs of error, ejectiones firma, in^ 
junctions, demurrers, &c. and frighted with appeals 
and allocations, because of the new regulations^ and 
rectif cations they meet with. 



( 131 ) 

** I TBiifK:, I ace the valiant and gallant soldie^ 
ry^ either sent to team the plantation trade abroad, 
or at home petitioning for a small subsmance^ as 
the reward of their honourable exploits, while their 
old corps are broken, the common soldiers left 
to beg, and the youngest English corps kept stand- 
ing. 

** I THiKK, I see the honest industrious trades* 
man loaded with nevi taxes and impositions^ disap* 
pointed of the equivalents, drinking water in place. 
of ale, eating his sahless pottage, petitioning for en- 
couragement to his manufactories^ and answered 
by counter petitions. 

** In short, I think, I see the laborious plough* 
man, with his com spoiling upon his hands/^r want 
of sale^ cursing the day of his birth ; dreading 
the expcnce of his burial, and uncertain whether 
to marry, or do worse, 

*' I THINK, I see the incurable difficulties of land- 
ed men, fettered under the golden chain of equiva- 
lents, their pretty daughters petitioning for want of 
husbands, and their sons for want of employments. 

" I THINK, I see our mariners deli'nering up their 
ships to, their Dutch partners, and what through 
PRESSES AND SEczssiTY earning their bread as 
underlings in the English navy. But above all, my 



( 122 ) 

ny. In their diet or congress, they enacted laws, 
disposed of vacant employments, declared war, 
made peace, entered into alliances, compelled every 
state of the union to obey its ordinances, and manag- 
ed other affairs. Not only their laws, but their 
magistrates, council, judges, money, weights and 
measures, were the same. So uniform were they, 
that all seemed to be but one state. Their chief 
officer called Strdtegos, was chosen in the congress 
by a majority of votes. He presided in the con- 
gress, commanded the forces, and was vested with 
great powers, especially in time of war : but was 
liable to be called to an accoinit by the congress, 
and punished, if convicted of misbehaviour. 

These states had been oppressed by the kings of 
Macedofiy and insulted by tyrants. " From their 
incorporation," says Polybius^ ** maybe dated the 
birth of that greatness, that by a constant augments 



If WE shall hereafter by experience discover any vices in our constitution, let 
us HASTEN with pnidcHce and a fraternal affection for each other, to correct 
"them. We #r« sU emigrhd in the same vessel, a/tl eynaUjy consenud sm refmrhigMnjf 
defeOs. 

Let US rouse up all our faculties, and generously strive to difcover, how 
much happiness may be produced by political institutions. 

. On the nations, whose liberty has perished by the errors of their attempt!, 
we cannot but bestow a sympathetic remembrance. That remcmbraace maj 
be useful: for such evenu are instructors of succeeding ages. 



( 123 ) 

ation, at length arrived to a marvellous height of 
prosperity. The fame of their v)ise lav>s and mild 
government reached, the . Greek colonies in Italy ^ 
where the CrotoniateSy the Sybarites^ and the Cau» 
IpniateSf agreed to adopt them, and to govern their 
states conformably." 

• Did the delegates to tie Ampbictionic council j 
or to tbe congress of the Acbaan league y destroy the 
liberty of their country, by establishing a monar* 
diy or an aristocracy among themselves ? Quite the 
contrary. While the senyeral states continued faitb* 
ful to the union y. they prospered. Their affairs were 
shattered by dissensions, emulations, and civil wars, 
artfully and diligently fomented by princes who 
thought it their interest ; and in the case of tbe 
Acbaan league j partly, by the folly and wickedness 
of Greeks not of the league, who repined at the 
glories, that constantly attended the banner of free- 
dom, supported by courage, and conducted by pru- 
dence. Spears plunged by Grecian hands into 

Grecian bosoms most horrible hostility ! Some 

portion of art, science, or virtue, perishing with 

every wound so broke their power, that at last 

they all sunk, the envied and the envying chained 
together, under the domination first of Macedon^ 
and then of Rome : and ever since, for more than 
two thousand years, the illuminating genius of that 
glorious nation has been lost to the world, while. 



( 124 ) 

the dependents of the heroes who fought at Tberma^ 
pyi^y Marathon^ Salamie, Platea^ and Mycak^ 
have groaned in servitude. Such are the wages of 
civil discord. (/) 

Let any man of common sense peruse the gloomy 
but instructive pages of their mournful story, and 
he will be convinced, that if any nation could suc- 
cessfully have resisted those conquerors of the 
world, the illustrious deed had been atchieved by 
Greece^ that cradle of republics ; if the several states 
had been cemented by some such league as the 
AcbaaUj and had honestly fulfilled its obligations.^ 

It is not pretended, that the Achaean league was 
perfect, or that there were not monarchical and 
aristocratical factions among the people of it. Eve- 
ry concession of that sort, that can be asked, shall 
be made. It had many defects ; every one of which^ 
however, has been avoided in the plan poroposed 
to us. 

With all its defects, with all its disorders, yet 
.such was the life and vigor communicated through 
pbe ivholcy by the popular representation of each 
party and by the close combination of ally f that 

f U should be gratefullj remembered, that from Greece, through the long 
lapse of ages, and the ceaKleas contention of events, we have received the taered 
train of tbougbtst that hat wrought out such amazing delrrerances in the old audi 
the new world. 



( 13S ) 

die true spirit of republicanism j&r^^mwjf^^, and 
diereby advanced the happiness and glory of the 
people to so pre-eminent a state, that ouk ideas up« 
on the pleasing theme cannot be too elevated. Here 
is the proof of this assertion. When the Romans 
had laid Carthage in ashes ; had reduced the king- 
dom of Macedon to a province ; had conquered An- 
tiocbtis the great, and got the better of all their 
enemies in the East ; these Romans^ masters of so 
much of the then known world, determined to hum- 
ble the Achaan league^ because as history expressly 
informs us, '' their great power began to raise no small 
jealousy at Rome."X 



f The two principles here stated, under the titles of <* popular rtprestntatiom 
•feacb parti ^f*^ ^lose eombinaH§H of all" are in letter the third styled, '' the power 
of the people pervading the system, and the strong confederation of the states ;*'— in 
which letter, their mutual relation, and arranged co-operation, are explained. 

Thefe principles Joel Barhnv mentions, but chooses to call them " repre^ 

tentative demoeracyy and federalislng of states" adding that they '* are the 

two most consoling principles, that political experience has yet brought to 

light." 

Joel Barh'w'i second letter to the people of these states, dated at Paris^ 
the 30th of December, 1 799. 

% Pfdybius, 

It is worthy of attention, that the most splendid pages of history, are 
those, that display the prodigies which the sentiment of liberty is capable of pro- 
ducing in free nations. 

*• Yes ! in that generous cause, for ever strong 
•• The patriot's virtue, and the poet's song, 
•* Still as the tide of ages rolls away, 
** Shall charm the world, unconscious of decay.'* 



( 136 ) 

How the liberty of this country is to be destroy- 
ed, is another question. Here, the gentlemen assign 
a cause, in no manner proportioned, as it is appre* 
hended, to the effect. 

The uniform tenor of history is against them. 
That holds up the licentiousness of the people, and 
turbulent temper of some of the states, as the ofily 
causes to be dreaded, not the conspiracies of federal 
officers. Therefore, it is highly probable, that, if 
our liberty is ever subverted, it will be by one of 
the two causes first mentioned. Our tragedy will 
then have the same acts, with those of the nations 
that have gone before us ; and we shall add one 
more example to the number already too great, of 
people that would not take warning, nor " know 
the things which belong to their peace.'* But, wc 
ought not to pass such a sentence against our coun* 
try, and the interests of freedom : though, no sen- 
tence whatever can be equal to the atrocity of our 
guilt, if through enormity of obstinacy or baseness^ 
we betray the cause of our posterity and of man- 
kind, by Providence committed to our parental and 

fraternal care. There is reason to believe, that 

the calamities of nations are the punishments of 
their sins. 

As to the first mentioned cause, it seems unne- 
cessary to say any more upon it. 



( 12T ) 



LETTER ri. 

k>OME of our fellow-citizens have ventured to 
predict the future fate of United America^ if thq 
system proposed to us, shall be adopted. 

Though every branch of the constitution and 
government is to be popular, and guarded by the 
strongest provisions, that until this day have occur- 
red to mankind, yet the system will end, they say, 
in the oppression of a monarchy or aristocracy by 
the federal servants or some of them. 

Such a conclusion seems not in any manner 

suited to the premises. It startles, yet, not so 

much from its novelty, as from the respectability 
of the characters by which it is drawn. 

W^ must not be too much influenced by our 
esteem for those characters : but, should recollect, 
that when the fancy is warmed, and the judgment 
inclined, by the proximity or pressure of particu- 
lar objects, very extraordinary declarations are not 
unfrequently made. Such are the frailties of our 
nature, that genius and integrity sometimes afford 
no protection against them. 



( 126 ) 

Probably, there never was, and never will be, 
such an instance of dreadful denunciation, concern- 
ing the fate of a country, as was published while the 
union was in agitation between England and Scot- 
land. The English were for a joint legislature, ma- 
uy of the Scots ior separate legislatures, and urged, 
that they should be in a manner swallowed up and 
lost in the odier, as then tbcy would not possess one 
ele'oentb part in it. 

Upon that occasion, lord Bdbaven^ one of the 
most distinguished orators of the age, made in the 
Scottish parliament a famous speech, of wluch the 
following extract is part : 

" My lord chancellor^ 

" When I consider this affair of an union be- 
tween the two nations, as it is expressed in the se- 
veral articles thereof, and now the subject of our 
deliberation at this time, I find my mind crowded 
with a variety of H)ery melancholy thoughts, and I 
think it mjf duty to disburthen myself of some of 
diem^ by laying them before and exposing theni to 
the serious consideration of this honourable house. 

" I THINK, I see a free and independent kingdom 
delivering \xj^ that, which all the world hath been 
fighting for since the days ei Nimrod ; yea, tbaf^ 



( 129 ) 

for which most of all the empires, kingdoms, states, 
principalities and dukedoms of Europe^ are at this 
very time engaged in the most bloody and cruel 
wars that ever were ; to wit^ a power to manage their 
own affairs by themselves y without the assistance andcoun^ 
cilof any other. 

" I THINK, I see ^ national churchy founded 
upon a rock, secured by a claim of rights hedged 
and fenced about by the strictest and pointedest 
legal sanctions that sovereignty could contrive, vo- 
luntarily descending into a plain, upon an equal 
level with Jewsy Papists^ Sociniansy Arminiansy Anabap^ 
tistSy and other sectaries, 8icc. 

" I THINK, I see /^^ noble and honorable peerage of 
Scotlandy whose valiant predecessors led armies 
against their enemies, upon their own proper 
charges and expences, now divested of their fol- 
lowers and vassalages, and put upon such an equal 
foot with their vassals, that I think, I see a petty 
English EXCISEMAN receive more homage and re- 
spect, than what was paid formerly to their quondam 
MackaUamors. 

" I THINK, I see the present peers of Scotlandy 
whose noble ancestors conquered provinces, over- 
run cpuntries, reduced and subjected towns and 

VOL. II. R 



( 140 ) 

things, ever must be, fatal to republican forms of 
government. Our regular wants, are sourcesof 
happiness : our irregular desires, of misery. The 1 1 
abuse of prosperity, is rebellion against heaven; 
and succeeds accordingly. 

Do the propositions of gentlemen who object, of- 
fer to our view, any of the great points upon which, 
the fate, fame, or freedom of nations has turned, 
excepting what some of them have said about trial 
by jury ; and which has been frequently and fiilly . 
answered ? Is there one of them calculated to re- 
gulate, and if needful, to contxoul those tempers 
and measures of constituent parts of an union, that 
l>ave been so baneful to the weal of every confe- 
deracy that has existed ? Do not some of them tend 
to enervate the authority evidently designed ihus 
to regulate and controul ? Do not others of them' 
discover a bias in their advocates to particular 
connections^ that if indulged to them, would enable 
persons of less understanding and virtue to repeat 
the disorders, that have so often violated public 
peace and honor ? Taking them altogether, would 
they afford as strong a security to our liberty, as 
\h& frequent election of the federal officers by the 
people, and the repartition of pov)er among diose 
officers, acceding to the proposed system? 



( 141 ) 

It may be answered, that, they would be an ad- 
ditional security. In reply, let the writer be per- 
mitted at present to refer to what has been said. 

The principal argument of gentlemen who ob- 
ject, invqlves a direct proof of the point contended 
for by the writer of this address. 

Thet generally agree, that the great danger of 
a monarchy or aristocracy among us, will arise 
firom the federal senate. 

. The members of this senate are to be chosen by 
men exercising the sovereignty of their respective 
states. These men therefore, must be monarchi- 
cally or aristocratically disposed, before they will 
ahoose federal senators thus disposed ; and what 
merits particular attention, is, that these men must 
have obtained an overbearing influence in their re- 
spective states, before they could with such dispo- 
sition arrive at the exercise of the sovereignty in 
them : or else, the like disposition must be preva- 
lent among the people of such states. 

Taking the case either way, is not this a disor- 
der in parts of the union, and ought it not to be 
rectified by the rest ? Is it reasonable to expect, 
that the disease will seize all at the same time ? If 
it is not, ought not the sound to possess a right ai 




( 142 ) 

power, by which they may prevent the infection 
from spreading ? And will not the extent of our 
territory, and the number of states within it, vast- 
ly increase the difficulty of any political disorder 
diffusing its contagion, and the probability of its be- 
ing repressed ?f 

From the annals of mankind, these conclusions 

are deducible that confederated states may act 

prudently and honestly, and apart foolishly, and 
knavishly ; but that it is a defiance of all probabi- 
lity, to suppose, that states conjointly shall act with 
folly and wickedness, and yet separately with wis- 
dom and virtue. 

FABIUS. 



t The truth of theae observations has been most remarkably established in 
the republic of Frame^ since these letters were written. 

Many parts of that republic have, during the present war, been conynlsed 
by insurrections of such magnitude, with regard to the number of the insure 
gents, and the size of tlie countries occupied by tliem, that her enemies expect- 
ed they would dissolve the government. So in all probability they would 
have done, had the extent of the republic been much less than it is. But, **■ the 
sound part*''' being much larger than " the infecUd!^ reduced their internal foes 
to perfect order, though at the same time engaged in defending themselves 
against the formidable fleets and armies of their invaders. 

How highly, how very highly ought these states to prize that blessed unicn^ 
which, by the favour of Divine Providence, ever to be acknowledged with the 
deepest gratitude, gives to them such a body of purifying, protecting power. 

" ESTO PERPBTUA.** 



( 143 ) 



LETTER VIII. 



1 HE proposed confederation offers to us a sys- 
tem of diversified representation in the legislative, 
executive, and judicial departments, as essentially 
necessary to the good government of an extensive 
republican empire. Every argument to recom- 
mend it, receives new force, by contemplating 
events, that must take place. The number of states 
in America will increase. If not united to the pre- 
sent, the consequences are evident. If united, it 
must be by a plan that will communicate equal li- 
berty j and assure just protection to them. These 
ends can never be attained, but by a close combina- 
tion of the several states, [i) 

It has been asserted, that a very extensive terri- 
tory cannot be ruled by a government of republi- 
can form. What is meant by this proposition? 
Is it intended to abolish all ideas of connection, and 
to precipitate us into the miseries of division, either 
as single states, or partial confederacies ? To stu- 
pify us into despondence, that destruction may 
certainly seize us ? The fancy of poets never feign- 
ed so dire a metamorphosis^ as is now held up t 



J 



( 144 ) 

us. The agis of their Minerva was only said to 
turn men into stones. This spell is to turn *' a 
bancT of brethren," into a monster, preying on 
itself, and preyed upon by all its enemies. 

If hope is not to be abandoned^ common sense 
teaches us to attempt the best means of preserva- 
tion. This is all that men can do, and this they 
ought to do. Will it be said, that any kind of dis- 
union, or a slight connection, is preferable to a 
firm union ?. Or is there any charm in that ponver 
which is said, to be alone competent to the rule of 
such an empire ? There is no evidence of fact ^ nor 
any deduction of reason^ that justifies the assertion. 
It is true, that extensive territory has in general 
been arbitrarily governed ; and it is as true, that a 
number of republics, in such territory, loosely con^ 
nectcd, must inevitably rot into despotism. 

It is said such territory has never been go- 
verned by a confederacy of republics. Granted. 
But, where was there ever a confederacy of repub* 
lies, in such territory, united, as these states ^are ta 
be by the proposed constitution ? Where was there 
ever a confederacy, in which the sovereignty of 
each state being represented with equal sufirage in 
one legislative body, the people of each state equals 
ly represented in proportion to the number of inha- 
bitants in another, and the sovereignties and peo- 



pie of all the states conjointly represented in a pre- 
sident, that possessed such a qualified and temper- 
ating authority in making laws ? Or, in which, 
the appointment to federal offices was vested in a 
chief magistrate chosen as our president is to be ? 
Or, in which, the acts of the executive department 
were regulated^ as they are to be with us ? Or, in 
which, the federal judges were to hold their offices 
-independently and during good behaviour ? Or, in 
which, the authority over the militia and troops 
was so distributed and controuled^ as it is to be 
with us ? Or, in which, the people were so drawn 
together by religion, blood, language, manners, 
and customs, undisturbed by former feuds or preju- 
dices ? Or, in which, the affiiirs relating to the 
whole union, were to be managed by an assembly 
of several representative bodies, invested with dif- 
ferent powers that became efficient only in concert^ 
without their being embarrassed by attention to 
other business ? Or, in which, a provision was 
made for the federal revenue, without recurring to 
coercion against states^ the miserable expedient of 
every other confederacy that has existed, an expe- 
dient always attended with odium, and often with 
a delay productive of irreparable damage ? Where 
was there ever a confederacy^ that thus adhered to 
the first principle in civil society ; obliging by its 
direct authority every individual, to contribute, 



VOL. II. 



T 



( 146 ) 

when the public good necessarily required it, a just 
proportion of aid to the support of the common* 

wealth protecting him without disturbing him 

in the discharge of the duties owing by him to the 
state of which he is an inhabitant ; and at the same 
time, so amply, so anxiously provided, for bring* 
ing the interests, and even the wishes of every sove- 
reignty and of every person of the union, under all 
their various modifications and impressions, into 
their full operation and efficacy in the national coun- 
cils ? The instance never existed. The conclu<^ 
sion ought not to be made. It is without premi- 
ses. So far is the assertion from being truCj that 
** a very extensive territory cannot be ruled by a 
government of a republican form^^ that such a 
territory cannot be well-ruled by a government of 
any other form. 

The assertion has probably been suggested by 
reflections on the democracies of antiquity, without 
making a proper distinction between them and the 
democracy oi the United States. 

In the democracies of antiquity, the people as* 
sembled together and governed personally • This 
mode was incompatible with greatness of number, 
and dispersion of habitation. 



( 147 ) 

In the democracy of the United States^ the peo- 
ple act by their represent athes. This improve- 
ment collects the will of millions upon points con- 
cerning their welfere, with more advantage, than 
the ^ill of hundreds could be collected under the 
ancient form. 

■ Reprbsentation, which implies purity of elec- 
tion, is a gentle remedy for every evil. It is at once, 
a preservative against discontent and rashness on 
the part of the people, and against negligence and 
usurpation on the part of their magistrates. All the 
curious contrivances and artful balances devised in 
ancient or modern times to supply its place, have 
proved deficient. To mention no more, Athens 
and Rome perished for want of a representative 
government. 

• Theee is another improvement equally deserv- 
ing regard, and that is, the varied representation 
of sovereignties and people in the constitution now 
proposed. 

It has been said, that this representation was a 
mere compropiise. 

It was not a mere compromise. The equal re^ 
presentation of each state^ with equal suffrage in 
one branch of the legislature^ was an original sub- 



( 148 ) 

stantive proposition, made in the convention at 
Philadelphia, in 1787, very soon after the draft 
offered by Firginia^ to which last mentioned state 
United America is much indebted not only in other 
respects, but for her merit in the origination and 
prosecution of this momentous business. 

The proposition was expressly made by the de- 
legate who brought it forward, upon this principle^ 
that a territory of such extent as that of United 
America^ could not be safely and advantageously 
governed^ but by a combination of republics, each 
retaining all the rights of supreme sovereignty, ex^ 
cepting such as ought to be contributed to the 
union ; that for the securer preservation of these 
sovereignties, they ought to be represented in a 
body by themselves^ and with equal suffrage ; and 
that they would be annihilated, if both branches of 
the legislature were to be formed of representatives 
of the people, in proportion to the number of inha- 
bitants in each state.* 



* Justice Blackstone argues in like manner, after admitting the ** ezpedien- 
cf* of titles of nobility. ** It it also expedient that their owners ihonld form 
an independent and separate branch of the legislature*'-— otherwise ** their 
privileges would soon be borne down and overwhelmed.** 

Comment, a. I57. 

Our political system thus arranged, may perhaps not unaptly be said to re* 
semble the solar system, as was argued by the delegate who made the propo- 
sition before-mentioned, in the convention at Philadelphia, when this very 



( U9 ) 

The principle lately mentioned appears to be 
well founded in reason. Why cannot a very exten- 
sive territory be ruled by a government of republi- 
can form I It is answered, because its power must 
languish through distance of parts. Granted; if 
it be not a ^^ body by joints and bands having nou- 
rishment ministered and knit together." If it be 
such a body, the objection is removed. Instead 
of sucb a perfect body^ framed upon the principle 
that commands men to associate^ and societies to 
. confederate ; that ivbicb by communicating and 
extending happiness y corresponds with the gracious 
intentions of our Maker towards us bis creatures; 
what is proposed ? Truly, that the natural legs and 
arms of this body should be cut off^ because they are 



point, concerning the distribution of powers, 1>etwcen the national govern- 
ment and the state governments was under debate. 

The concentrated energy of the union, may be compared to the snn full of 
light an4 heat, abounding with blessing^, and the several states to the planets 
of different sizes, revolving round it in conformity to fixed laws, receiving its 
aalutary influences, and commimicating benefits to one another, while at the 
same time each turns on its own axis, for its own accommodation. 

The peculiar power of each state that urges it through its orbit, may be cal- 
led its projectile force, and the constantly-operating tendency of all towards 
the central sun of the system, and towards each other, all operating upon all, 
with the regulated observance of due distances from one another, may be sty- 
led a force of attraction. 

What pity ! that these beautiful spheres, with all their delightful harmo- 
nies, ahould ever b^ cmshtd and flattened into one vast consolidation. 



( ISO ) 

too V)eak^ and their places^ supplied by stronger 
limbs of wood and metal. 

MoNARCHs, it is said, are enabled to rule exten* 
sive territories, because they send viceroys to go- 
vern certain districts ; and thus the reigning autho« 
rity is transmitted over the whole empire. Be it 
so : but, what are the consequences ? Tyranny, 
while the viceroys continue in submission to their 
masters, and the distraction of civil war besides, 
when they revolt, to which they are frequently 
tempted by the very circumstances of their situati- 
on, as the history of such governments indisputa* 
bly proves. 

America is, and will be, divided into several so- 
vereign states, each possessing every power proper 
for governing within its own limits for its own 
purposes^ and also for acting as a member of the 
union. ^ 

They will be ciniil and military stations, conve^ 
niently planted thoughout the empire, with lively 
and regular communications, A stroke, a touch 
upon any part, will be immediately felt by the 
whole.* Romey famed for imperial arts, had a 



* ** This beneficent system of federalising appears to be the only retovce 
that nature has offered tu, at least, in the present state of political science, for 



( 151 ) 

glimpse of this great truth; and endeavoured, as 
well as her hard-hearted policy would permit, to 
realize it in her colonies. They were miniatures 
of the capital : but wanted the vital principle of 
sovereignty y and were too small. They were melt- 
ed down into, or overwhelmed by the nations 
around them. Were they now existing, they might 
be called curious automatons — something like to 
our living originals. Tbese^ will bear a remarka- 
ble resemblance to the mild features oi patriarchal 
government, in which each son ruled bis ovjn 
bouseboldj and in otber matters the whole family 
was directed by the common ancestor. 

Will a people thus happily situated, ever desire 
to exchange their condition, for subjection to an 
absolute ruler ; or can they ever look but with ve- 
neration, or act but with deference to that union, 
that alone can, under Providence, preserve them 
from such subjection ? 

Cak any government be devised, that will be 
more suited to citizens, who wish for equal freedom 
and common prosperity ; better calculated for pre- 



avoiding at once the two dan^eroas extremes of having the republic too great 
for an e^nitable admmistnition within, or too small for security without.** 

JoiL Baiilow*8 second letter to the people of these states, dated Path, 
the %Otb of DtitmUr^ 1799. 



( 152 ) 

venting corruption of manners;! for advancing 
the impf-ovements that endear or adorn life ; or that 
can be more conformled to the understanding to the 
i^esi affect idns\ t6 the very nature of inKS ? Widt 
harvests of happiness may grow from the seeds of 
liberty that are now sowing ? The cultivation will 
indeed demand continual attention, unceasing dili- 
gence, and frequent conflict with difficulties : biit, 
to object against the benefits offered to us by oiir 
Creator, by excepting to the terms annexed, is a 
Crime to bie equalled only by its folly. 

Delightful are the prospects that will opeii to 

the view of United America her sons well pre- 

pared to defend their own happiness, and ready to 
relieve the misery of others her fleets formi- 
dable, biitonly to the unjust ^her revenue siitf- 

cient, yet unoppressive her commerce affluent, 

but not debasing — —peace and plenty withiii feer 

borders and the glory that arises from a proper 

use of power, encircling them. 



Whatever regions may be destined for servi- 
tude, let us hope, that some portions of this land 



f Good edoettioa Is the bat iiKitntion for preventiiifr corrnption < 
nen ; and the piogr«« off knowledge it the most tnccestful foe to religioiu and 
cml4 



By wise legislators, instrnction will be relied on vastly more than |nini«h- 
ments. Of these the mod effectual regulation will be their certainty* cot 
their Kverity. 



( 153 ) 

may be blessed with liberty ; let us be convinced, 
that nothing short of such an union as has been pro-* 
posed, can preserve the blessing ; and therefore let 
us be resolved to adopt it. 

As to alterations, a little EXPERiBKcst will cast 
more light upon the subject, than a multitude of 
debates. Whatever qualities are possessed by those 
who object, they will have the candor to confess^ 
that they will be encountered by opponents, not in 
any respect inferior, and yet differing from them in 
judgment, upon every point they have mentioned. 

Such untired industry to serve their country^ 
did the delegates to the federal convention exert, 
that they not only laboured to form the best plan 



t If lU the wise men of ancient and modern times, all the So/Smw, Lyemrpuut ' 
Femu^ and L^cka^ that erer lived, could be aasembled together for deliberation 
on the lobject, they could not form a constitution or system of government that 
would not require future alterations. 

The British government, which some persons so much celebrate, is a collec- 
tion of innovstions. 

There is a continual flow in human affairs. The ceaseless waves have carri- 
ed man on to delightful discoveries, greatly meliorating his condition. There 
sre more discoveries yet to be made, and perhaps more fevouraUe to his con- 
dition. While other sciences are advancing, why should we supinely or vainly 
suppose, that we in the Argt lately constructed by us, have already reached 
the ** mltiwut tbuU^ the farthest point in the nrnvigathH rff^y* 

VOL. II U . 



( 154 ) 

they could, but, provided for making at any time 
amendments on the authority of the people^ without 
shaking the stability of the government. For this 
end, the congress, whenever two-thirdsof both 
houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose 
amendments to the constitution, or, on the appli« 
cation of the legislatures of two^thirds of the seve^ 
ral states,. sHALi. call a convention for proposii^ 
amendments, which, in either case, shall bet valid 
to all intents and purposes as part of the constitu- 
tion, when ratified by the legislatures of three-* 
fourths of the several states, or by conventions in 
three-fourths thereof, as one or the other mode of 
ratification may be proposed by congress. 

Thus, by b, gradual progress^ we may from time 
to time introduce every improvement in our consti* 
tution^ that shall be found suitable to our situation, f 
For this purpose, it may perhaps be adviseable, for 
every state, as it sees occasion, to form with the 
utmost deliberation, drafts of alterations respective**. 



f Eimy improTetnent In our conttitntion that can be discorered, ahooM be 
twmrdUhly adopted ai part of it. 

Tlie promoten of the BritUh revolution in z688, neglected in the proper 
lime \a make iaaaf improiwnenu of high importance ; and the frienda of 
freedom hxw ainoe been acarcfljabk to have even one of chem ettaUiihed. 

The great maiim of that very extraordinary man, Cosmo di Mbdicii, was 
thi»— ^ Drftr mt Hii to-mwravft wUt am and ought U ht done to-^y,^ 



( 155 ) 

ly required by them, and to enjoin their represent- 
atives, to employ every proper method to obtain a 
nt^cation. 

Iir this way of proceeding, the undoubted sense 
of every state, collected in the coolest manner, not 
the sense of individuals, will be laid before the 
whole union in congress, and that body will be en* 
abled with the clearest light that can be aflbrded by 
every part of it, and with the least occasion of irri- 
tation, to compare and weigh the sentiments of all 
United America ; forthwith to adopt such alterati- 
ons as are recommended by general unanimity ; by 
degrees to devise modes of conciliation upon con- 
tradictory propositions : and to give the revered 
advice of our common country, upon those, if any 
such there should be, that in her judgment are in- 
admissible, because they are incompatible with the 
happiness of these states. 

It cannot be with reason apprehended, that con- 
gress will refuse to act upon any articles calculat- 
ed to promote the common "welfare^ though they 
may be unwilling to act upon such as are designed 
to advance partial interests ; but whatever their 
sentiments may be, they must call a convention 
for proposing amendments, on applications of two* 
thirds of the legislatures of the several states. 



( 156 ) 

Mat those good citizens, who have sometima 
turned their thqughts towards a second convention, 
be pleased to consider, that there are men who 
speak as they do, yet do not mean as they do. 
.These borrow the sanction of their respected names, 
to conceal desperate designs. May they also con- 
sider, whether persisting in the suggested j4an, in 
preference to the constitutional provision, may not 
kindle flames of jealousy and discord, which all 
their abilities and virtues can never extinguish. 



FABIUS. 






( 157 ) 



LETTER IX. 



. When the sentimentB of some objectors, con- 
cerning the British constitution, are considered, it 
is surprising, that they should apprehjend so much 
danger to United Atnetieay as, they say, will attend 
the ratification of the plan proposed to us, by the 
late federal convention. 

These gentlemen will acknowledge, that Bri- 
tain has sustained many internal convulsions, and 
many foreign wars, with a gradual advancement in 
freedom, power and prosperity. They will acknow- 
ledge, that no nation has existed that ever so per- 
fectly united those distant extremes^ private secu^ 
rity of life^ liberty^ and property^ with exertion of 

public force so advantageously combined the 

various powers of militia, troops, and fleets or 

so happily blended together arms, arts, science, 
commerce, and agriculture. From what spring has 
flowed this stream of happiness ? The gentlemen 
will acknowledge, that these advantages are derived 
jfrom a single democratical representative branch 
in her legislature. They will also acknowledge^^ 




( 158 ) 

that in this branch, called the house of commons, 
only one hundred and thirty-one are members for. 
counties i that nearly one half of the whole house, 
is chosen by about five thousand seven hundred 
persons, mostly of no property ; that fifty-six mem^ 
bers are elected by about three hundred and seventy 
persons, and the rest in an enormous dispropor* 
tion^ to the numbers of inhabitants who ought to 
vote, t 

Tbus are all the millions of people in that king- 
dom, said to be represented in the house of com- 
mons. 

Let the gentlemen be so good, on a subject so 
familiar to them, as to make a comparison between 
the British constitution, and that proposed to us. 
Questions like these will then probably present 
themselves : is there more danger to our liberty, 
from such a president as we are to have, than to 
that of Britons from an hereditary monarch with a 
vast revenue absolute in the erection and dis- 
posal of offices^ and in the exercise of the whole 

* No member of parHameat ought to be elected by fewer dum the majority 
of 8oQ, upon the most moderate calculation, according to Doctor Price. 

f By the conftitntion propoied to ns, i majority of the honie of representik- 
tive^ and of the icnate, makei a quorum to do busincM : but, if the writer it 
■ot mislakctt, about a fourteenth part of the members of the house of com- 
Booi, makes a quorum for that purpose. 



( 159 ) 

executive power in the command of the inilitia, 

fleets, and armies, and the direction of their opera* 
tions in the establishments of fairs and mar- 
kets, the regulation of weights and measures, and 

coining of money who can call parliaments with 

a breath, and dissolve them with a nod who can. 

at his will, make war, peace, and treaties irrevoca- 
bly binding the nation and who can grant par* 

dons for crimes, and titles of nobility, as it pleases 
him? Is there more danger to us, from twenty-six 
senators, or double the number, than to Britons^ 
from an hereditary aristocratic body, consisting of 
many hundreds, possessed of enormous wealth in 
lands and money strengthened by a host of de- 
pendents and who, availing themselves of de- 

fects in the constitution, send many of these into 

the house of commons who hold a third part of 

the legislative power in their own hands and 

who form the highest court of judicature in the na- 
tion ? Is there more danger to us, from a house of 
representatives, to be chosen by all the freemen of 
the union, every two years, than to Br i tons , from 
such a sort of representation as they have in the 
house of commons, the members of which, too, are 
chosen but every seven years ? Is there more dan- 
ger to us, from the intended federal officers, than 
to Britons^ from such a monarch, aristocracy, and 
house of commons together ? What bodies are 
there in Britain^ vested with such capacities for 



( 160 ) 

inquiring iiito, checking, and regulating the con- 
duct of national affairs, as our sovereign states?-^ 
What proportion does the number of free hold- 
IRS {k) in Britain bear to the number of people 2 
And what is the proportion in United America ? • 

If any person, after considering such questions, 
shall say, there will be more danger to our freedom 
under the proposed plan, than to that of Britons 
under their constitution, he must mean, that Ame- 
ricans are, or will be j beyond all comparison, infer 
rior to Britons in understanding and virtue ; other- 
wise, with a constitution and government, every 
branch of which is so extremely popular, they cer- 
tainly might guard their rights, at least as well, as 
Britons can guard theirs, under such political in- 
stitutions as they have ; unless the person has some 
inclination to an opinion^ that monarchy and aris^ 
tocracy are favourable to the preservation of their 
rights. If he has, he cannot too soon recover him- 
self. If ever monarchy or aristocracy appears in 
this country^ it must be in the hideous form of des^ 
pot ism. 

What an infatuated, depraved people must Ame- 
ricans become, if, with such unequalled advantages, 
committed to their trust in a manner almost mira- 
culous, they lose their liberty? Through a single or- 
gan of representation, in the legislature only, of the 



( 161 ) 

kingdom just mentioned, though that organ is dis- 
eased, such portions of popular sense and integrity 
have beeu conveyed into the national councils, as 
have purified other parts, and preserved the whole 
in its present state of healthfulness. To their own 
vigour and attention, therefore, is that people, un- 
der Providence, indebted for the blessings they en- 
joy. They have held, and now hold the true 
BALANCE in their government. While they retain 
their enlightened spirit, they will continue to hold 
it ; and if they regard what they owe to others^ as 
well as what they owe to themselves, they will, 
most probably, continue to be happy, f 

Thet know, that there are powers that cannot be 
ixpressly limited^ without injury to themselves; and 

f Ifto the union oi Mm^iud tmd Sctilamd^ a jutt connection with /reZcm/ be 
added, ecdestattical ettabliihmentt duly amended ; addttibnt to the peerage 
regulated, and rq>resentation of the commons properly improred, it if to be 
expected that the tranquillity, ttrength, reputation, and prosperity of the em- 
pire will be greatly promoted. The monarchy will probably change into a 
rqpnblic, if representation in the house of commons is Qot increased by additi- 
ons from the counties and great traJuig cities and towns. Without this precau- 
tion, an increase of the peerage seems likely to accelerate an alteration. These 
two measures should have, it is apprehended, in such a government and in soc^ 
a progress of human affairs, a well-tempered co-operation. The power of the 
crown might thereby become more dignified, moderated, and Kcnred» 

The diacQwoD of this subject wonld embrace a very great number of con- 
siderations ; but the conclusion seems to approa^ u nctr to demontntios, m 
an investi^tion of this kind can dp. 

vol". II. W 



( 152 ) 

venting corruption of manners;! ^^^ advancing 
the improvements that endear or adoni life ; or that 
can be more conformed to the understanding to the 
best affections ^ t6 the very nature of man ? Wb'ctt 
harnsests of happiness may grow from the seeds of 
liberty that are now sowing ? The cultivation will 
iiideed demand continual attention, unceasing dili- 
gence, and frequent conflict with difficulties : biit*, 
td object against the benefits offered to us by oiir 
Creator, by excei^ting to the terms iannei^ed, is' a 
Crime to bie equalled only by its Tolly. 

Delightful are the prospects that will open to 
the view of United America her sons well pre- 
pared to defend their own happiness, and ready to 
relieve the misery of others her fleets formi- 
dable, biit only to the unjust ^her revenue siitf- 

cient, yet unoppressive her commerce affluent, 

but not debasing — —peace and plenty withm her 

borders and the glory that arises from a proper 

use of power, encircling them. 



Whatever regions may be destined for servi- 
tude, let us hope, that some portions of this land 



f Good ednettion is the bat ixiititaticm for preirentin^ corruption of^matf- 
nen ; and the ptogrew off knowledge ia the most fuccessful foe to reUgioiu and 
ciTii dcipotim*' 

By wise legislators, instruction will be relied on vastly more than punish- 
ments. Of these the mod effectual regulation will be their certainty, cot 
their Kverity. 



I 



V 



( 153 ) 

may be blessed with liberty ; let us be convinced, 
that nothing short of such an union as has been pro^* 
posed, can preserve the blessing ; and therefore let 
us be resolved to adopt it. 

As to alterations, a little EXPERiBKCBf will cast 
more light upon the subject, than a multitude of 
debates. Whatever qualities are possessed by those 
who object, they will have the candor to confess^ 
that they will be encountered by opponents, not in 
any respect inferior, and yet differing from them in 
judgment, upon every point they have mentioned. 

Such untired industry to serve their country^ 
did the delegates to the federal convention exert, 
that they not only laboured to form the best plan 



flfiUthewiteinenof ancient axiU modern times, aU the AD/Siw,/^a»2^ * 
FiMu^ and Lteka^ that erer lived, could be aasembled together for deliberation 
on the lobject, they could not form a constitution or tyitem of govemmens that 
would not require future alterations. 

The British government, which some persons so much celebrate, is a collec- 
tton of innovations. 

There is a continual flow in human affairs. The ceaseless waves have cann- 
ed man on to delightful discoveries, greatly meliorating his condition. There 
ve Biore discovjcries yet to be made, and perhaps more fevouraUe to his con- 
dition. While other sciences are advancing, why should we supinely or vainly 
suppose, that we in the jir^ lately constructed by us, have alrcidy retched 
the ** aUtiwut tbuU^ the farthest point in the tutviga^m •/ p^Ucf. 

VOL. II U . 



( 154 ) 

they could, but, provided for making at any tims 
amendments on the authority of tie people^ witboat 
shaking the stability of the government. For this 
end, the congress, whenever two-thirds of both 
houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose 
amendments to the constitution, or, on the appli* 
cation of the legislatures of two^thirds of the sew* 
ral states,. SH A LI. call a convention for proposing 
amendments, which, in either case, shall be» valid 
to all intents and purposes as part of the constitu- 
tion, wlien ratified by the legislatures of three*^ 
fourths of the several states, or by conventions ia 
three-fourths thereof, as one or the other mode of 
ratification may be proposed by congress. 

Thus, by ^gradual progress^ we may from time 
to time introduce every improvement in our constu 
tution^ that shall be found suitable to our situation,! 
For this purpose, it may perhaps be adviseable, for 
every state, as it sees occasion, to form with the 
utmost deliberation, drafts of alterations respective* 



f Eimy improretnent In our conttitntion that can be discorered, ihonld be 
immeSaitly adopted ii part of it. 

The promoters of the BritUb revolution in z688, neglected in the proper 
lime \o meke tKKOf improvements of high importance ; and the friends of 
freedom havo «nce been scarcely able to have even one of chem estaUidied. 

The great niaiim of that very extraordinary man, Cosmo di Mbdzcis, was 



( 155 ) 

ly required by them, and to enjoin their represent- 
atives, to employ every proper method to obtain « 
ruyication. 

Ik' this way of proeeeding, the undoubted sense 
of every state, collected in the coolest manner, not 
the sense of individuals, will be laid befbre the 
whole union in congress, and that body Ifrill* be eh* 
abled with the clearest light that can be aflbrded by 
every part of it, and with the least f>ccasion of irri- 
tation, to compare and weigh the sentiments of all 
United America ; forthwith to adopt such alterati- 
ons as are recommended by general unanimity ; by 
degrees to devise modes of conciliation upon con- 
tradictory propositions : and to give the revered 
advice of our common country, upon those, if any 
such there should be, that in her judgment are in- 
admissible, because they are incompatible with the 
happiness of these states. 

It cannot be with reason apprehended, that con- 
gress will refuse to act upon any articles calculat- 
ed to promote the common v)elfare^ though they 
may be unwilling to act upon such as are desigpied 
to advance partial interests ; but whatever their 
sentiments may be, they must call a convention 
for proposing amendments, on applications of two- 
thirds of the legislatures of the several states. 



( 157 ) 



LETTER IX. 



. When the sentlmenta of some objectors, con- 
cerning the British constitution, are considered, it 
is surprising, that they should apprehend so much 
danger to United AfneHea^ as, they say, will attend 
the ratification of the plan proposed to us, by the 
late federal convention. 

These gentlemen will acknowledge, that Bri- 
tain has sustained many internal convulsions, and 
many foreign wars, with a gradual advancement in 
freedom, power and prosperity. They will acknow- 
ledge, that no nation has existed that ever so per- 
fectly united those distant extremes^ private secu-f 
rity of life^ liberty y and property ^ with exertion of 

public force so advantageously combined the 

various powers of militia, troops, and fleets or 

so happily blended together arms, arts, science, 
commerce, and agriculture. From what spring has 
flowed this stream of happiness ? The gentlemen 
will acknowledge, that these advantages are derived 
iFrom a single democratical representative branch 
in her legislature. They will also acknowledge^ 




( is« ) 

that in this branch, called the house of commons, 
only one hundred and thirty-one are members icpr« 
counties i that nearly one half of the whole housev 
is chosen by about five thousand seven hundred 
persons, mostly of no property ; that fifty-six mem-; 
bers are elected by about three hundred and seventy 
persons, and the rest in an enormous dispropor- 
tion* to the numbers of inhabitants who ought to 
vote, t 

Tsus are all the millions of people in that Icing- 
dom, said to be represented in the house of com- 
mons. 

Let the gentlemen be so good, on a subject so 
familiar to diem, as to make a comparison betweex( 
the British constitution, and that proposed to us^ . 
Questions like these will then probably present 
themselves : is there more danger to our liberty, 
from such a president as we are to have, than to 
that of Britons from an hereditary monarch with a 
vast revenue absolute in the erection and dis- 
posal of offices, and in the exercise of the whole 

* No member of parliameat ought to be elected by fewer than the majority 
•f 800, npon the moat moderate calcubtion, according to Doctor Frhe, 

f By the conftitation propoied to as, a majority of the house of representa* 
tives^ and of the teoate, makes a quorum to do business : but, if the writer is 
■et mistakes, about a fourteenth part of the members of the house of com- 
mom,makciaqiiormn for that purpose. 



( 159 ) 

executive power in the command of the inilitia, 

fcets, and armies, and the direction of their opera- 
tions in the establishments of fairs and mar- 
kets, the regulation of weights and measures, and 
coining of money— —who can call parliaments with 

a breath, and dissolve them with a nod who can« 

at his will, make war, peace, and treaties irrevoca- 
bly binding the nation and who can grant par- 
dons for crimes, and titles of nobility, as it pleases 
him? Is there more danger to us, from twenty-six 
senators, or double the number, than to Britons^ 
from an hereditary aristocratic body, consisting of 
many hundreds, possessed of enormous wealth in 
lands and money strengthened by a host of de- 
pendents and who, availing themselves of de- 
fects in the constitution, send many of these into 

the house of commons who hold a third part of 

the legislative power in their own hands and 

who form the highest court of judicature in the na- 
tion ? Is there more danger to us, from a house of 
representatives, to be chosen by all the freemen of 
the union, every two years, than to Britons^ from 
such a sort of representation as they have in the 
house of commons, the members of which, too, are 
chosen but every seven years ? Is there more dan- 
ger to us, from the intended federal officers, than 
to Britons^ from such a monarch, arbtocracy, and 
house of commons together ? What bodxbs are 
there in Britain^ vested with such capacities fij 



( 152 ) 

venting corruption of manners ;f for advancing 
the improvements that endear or adoni life ; or tliaS 
can be more conformed to the understanding to tftc 
best affections^ td the very nature of kAN ? fP'liat 
harvests of happiness may grow from the seeds of 
liberty that are now sowing ? The cultivation will 
indeed demand continual attention, unceasing 'dili- 
gence, and frequent conflict with difficulties : tiiit, 
to object agiainst the benefits offered to us by oiir 
Creator, by excerpting to the termis annexfed, is' a 
Crime to be equalled only by its Tolly. 

Delightful are the prospects that will opeii to 
the view of United America her sons well pre- 
pared to defend their own happiness, and ready" to 

relieve the misery of others her fleets iormi- 

dable, but only to the unjust ^her revenue siitf- 

cient, yet unoppressive her commerce affluent, 

but not debasing — —peace and plenty Withm Her 

borders and the glory that arises from a proper 

use of power, encircling them. 

Whatever regions may be destined for servi- 
tude, let us hope, that some portions of this land 



f Good education is the bat imtitntion for preventing: comiption ofLnMtf* 
ners ; and the pro grc w of knowledge it the most successful foe to religiou ind 
ciril despotism*' 

By wise legisUtors, instruction will he relied on vaftlj more than |innish« 
ments. Of these the moft cffixtul' rq;nhtMNi will be their cemiiife7» cot 
their severity. 



I 



I 



( 153 ) 

may be blessed with liberty ; let us be convinced, 
that nothing short of such an union as has been pro«« 
posedy can preserve the blessing ; and therefore let 
us be resolved to adopt it. 

As to alterations, a little EXpERiEKCBf wiU cast 
more light upon the subject, than a multitude of 
debates. Whatever qualities are possessed by those 
who object, they will have the candor to confess^ 
that they will be encountered by opponents, not in 
any respect inferior, and yet differing from them in 
judgment, upon every point they have mentioned. 

Such untired industry to serve their country, 
did the delegates to the federal convention exert, 
that they not only laboured to form the best plan 



f If all tlie wite own of ancieiit and modern timet, all the Mm/, Lytmrpun^ 
Pemu^ and Ltcku^ that erer lived, coald be anembled together for deiiberttioa 
oo the tabject, thty could not form a constitution or tyttem of government that 
would not require future alterations. 

The Britiah government, which lome persona so much celebrate, ii a collect 
tioo of innorations. 

There is a continual flow in human aflairs. The ceaselen waves have caiij- 
ed man on to delightful discoveries, greatly meliorating his condition. There 
•re more discoveries yet to be made, and perhaps more bvonraUe to his coo^ 
dition. While other s c iences are advancing, why should we supinely or vainly 
suppose, that we in the Argt lately conitructed by us, have alrcMly tOKhed 
the <■ KftiflM ibmUi* the farthest point in the nmmigttim rfpdU^. 

VOL. II U . 



( 154 ) 

they could, but, provided for making at any tim9^ 
amendments on the authority of the people^ witbrat 
shaking the stability of the government. For this 
end, the congress, whenever two thirds of both 
houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose 
amendmeiits to the constitution, or, on the appli- 
cation of the legislatures oftwo^thirds of the sew 
ral states,, 8H A LI* call a convention for propcBiajgf 
amendments, which, in either case, shall bet valid:^ 
to all intents and purposes as part of the constita;^ 
tion, when ratified by the legislatures of three^^ 
fourths of the several states, or by conventions is- 
three-fourths thereof, as one or the other mode of 
ratification may be proposed by congress. 

Thus, by ^gradual progress^ we may from time 
to time introduce every improvement in our consti* 
tutiotij that shall be found suitable to our 8ituatipn.t 
For this purpose, it may perhaps be adviseable, for 
every state, as it sees occasion, to form with the 
utmost deliberation, drafts of alterations respective^^. 



t Etery improrement in our conititiition thit can be ditcorertd, ilionld b« 
fimwfti/i/y adopted ai part of it. 

Tlie promoten of the Briiu& revolution in x688y neglected in the proper 
time \o BMlce mmf improvementi of high importance ; and the frienda of 
freedom hafo aiBoe been icarc^y abk to have even one of chem eitabliAed. - 

The great nuudmof that very extraordinary man, Cosmo de Mcdzcis, waf 
thit— ^ Dtfif mi till io-merrtw, w4wf com and ott^bi U ht done t*-^.^ 



( 155 ) 

ly required by them, and to enjoin their represent- 
atives^ to employ every proper method to obtain « 
i^Uifioation. 

. Iw* this way of proceeding, the undoubted sense 
of evfery state, collected in the coolest manner, not 
the sense of individuals, will be laid befbre the 
whole union in congress, and that body will* be en* 
aUed with the clearest light that can be aflbrded by 
every part of it, and with the least f>ccasion of irfi-- 
tation, to compare and weigh the sentiments of all 
United America ; forthwith to adopt such alterati- 
ons as are recommended by general unanimity ; by 
degrees to devise modes of conciliation upon con- 
tradictory propositions : and to give the revered 
advice of our common country, upon those, if any 
such there should be, that in her judgment are in- 
admissible, because they are incompatible with the 
happiness of these states. 

It cannot be with reason apprehended, that con- 
gress will refuse to act upon any articles calculat- 
ed to promote the common "welfare^ though they 
may be unwilling to act upon such as are designed 
I to advance partial interests ; but whatever their 
! sentiments may be, they must call a convention 
I for proposing amendments, on applications of two- 
thirds of the legislatures of the several states. 



j 



( 174 )' 



I 

LETTER II. 



IN order to estimate the value of a cordial amity 
with France y it may be worth while to consider, on 
what foundation her strength stands. 

Her situation is most advantageous ; the soil is 
fertile ; its products are excellent ; the extent of 
coasts on the ocean and the Mediterranean, and her 
rivers, insure to her a flourishing commerce, and a 
vast maritime power. Her population is prodigious. 
Before the present war it amounted, at a moderate 
computation, to twenty- five millions. If to this 
sum be added that of the conquered countries, which 
in all probability will be ceded to her at a peace, the 
whole, it is apprehended, must exceed thirty mil- 
lions. Industry, vivacity, ingenuity, knowledge, 
and bravery, with the animating and invigorating 
principle of broad-based representation, give to this 
population the utmost respectability. 

The other day, in turning over Poly biases cele- 
brated history, my attention was arrested by an un- 
expected enumeration in his second book, of the 
forces of the commonwealth of Romey when she 

1. 



( 175 ) 

ad attained to the highest pitch of power, just be- 
are Hannibal^s invasion. The detail is very pre- 
;ise as to numbers, and the countries that supplied 

hem. His conclusion is this " the whole of 

\beir strength consisted in no less, than seven hun- 
ired thousand infantry, and seventy thousand ca- 
vahy." 

Among the particulars, he mentions ** the ordi- 
nary people mustered in Rome and Campania^ 
amounting to two hundred and fifty thousand foot, 
and twenty-three thousand horse." These, if I 
understand him rightly, were not armed for imme- 
liate service, but might be called upon, if occasi- 
ons required their aid. Therefore, these words, 
* the whole of their strength,^^ appear to mean all 
he persons able to bear arms. 

I BELi£V£, that the learned, in their calculations 
dlow, that on an average, in a number of five or 
ux persons, one will be found to be an able bodied 
sum. Let a rule much more restrictive be applied, 
for determining the number of men able to bear 
irms in France, and the result will be, that their 
number is four times as great as that mentioned by 
the historian. 

This is a gigantic power indeed. If it appears 
tremendous to some, let them amuse their fancies, 



# 



( is« ) 

that in this branch, called the house of commonsi 
only one hundred and thirty-one are members Sqt-, 
counties i that nearly one half of the whole houso; 
is chosen by about five thousand seven hundred 
persons, mostly of no property ; that fifty-six mem- 
bers are elected by about three hundred and seventy 
persons, and the rest in an enormous dispropor- 
tion* to the numbers of inhabitants who ought, to 
vote, f 

Tffus are all the millions of people in that Icing- . 
dom, said to be represented in the house of com- 
mons. 

Let the gentlemen be so good, on a subject so 
familiar to them, as to make a comparison between . 
the British constitution, and that proposed to us^ . 
Questions like these will then probably present 
themselves : is there more danger to our liberty, . 
from such a president as we are to have, than to 
that of Britons from an hereditary monarch with a 
vast revenue absolute in the erection and dis- 
posal of offices, and in the exercise of the whole 



* No member of parliameat ought to be elected by fewer than the majority 
•f 800, upon the taott moderate calcubtion, according to Doctor Prict, 

f By the conftitntion proposed to us, a majority of the house of repreteati* 
tiTesi and of the senate, makes a quorum to do business : but, if the writer is 
set m iate kett, about a fourteenth part of the members of the house of com- 
8iom,makc8a qnomm for that purpose. 



( 159 ) 

executive power in the command of the inilitia, 

fleets, and armies, and the direction of their opera- 
tions in the establishments of fairs and mar- 
kets, the regulation of weights and measures, and 
coining of money— —who can call parliaments with 

a breath, and dissolve them with a nod who can« 

at his will, make war, peace, and treaties irrevoca- 
bly binding the nation and who can grant par- 
dons for crimes, and titles of nobility, as it pleases 
him? Is there more danger to us, from twenty-six 
senators, or double the number, than to Britons^ 
from an hereditary aristocratic body, consisting of 
many hundreds, possessed of enormous wealth in 

lands and money strengthened by a host of de- 

pendents and who, availing themselves of de- 
fects in the constitution, send many of these into 

the house of commons who hold a third part of 

the legislative power in their own hands and 

who form the highest court of judicature in the na- 
tion ? Is there more danger to us, from a house of 
representatives, to be chosen by all the freemen of 
the union, every two years, than to Britons^ from 
such a sort of representation as they have in the 
house of commons, the members of which, too, are 
chosen but every seven years I Is there more dan- 
ger to us, from the intended federal officers, than 
to Britons^ from such a monarch, aristocracy, and 
house of commons together ? What bodxbs are 
there in Britain^ vested with such capacities |p 



( 152 ) 

venting corruption of manners ;f for advancing 
the imipi-ovements that endear or adorn life ; or that 
can be more conformed to the understanding to the 
bhi affections^ td the very nature of man ? fFb'dt 
harvests of happiness may grow from the seeds of 
liberty that are now sowing ? The cultivation will 
iiideed demand continual attention, unceasing dili- 
gence, and frequent conflict with difiiculties : biit, 
td object against the benefits offered to us by our 
Creator, by excerpting to the terms annexed, is a 
Crime to be equalled only by its folly. 

Delightful are the prospects that will opeii to 
the view of United America her sons well pre- 
pared to defend their own happiness, and ready to 
relieve the misery of others her fleets formi- 
dable, biit only to the unjust ^her revenue sutf^ 

cient, yet unoppressive her commerce afliuent, 

but not debasing — —peace and plenty withJn her 

borders and the glory that arises from a proper 

use of power, encircling them. 

Whatever regions may be destined for servi* 
tude, let us hope, that some portions of this land 



f Good edneatioB is the bat ixutitntion for preventing: comiptMn ofLmatf* 
nert ; and the p rogre w of knowledge it the most successful foe to religiout nd 
civil despotism.' 

By wise legislators, instruction will be relied on vastly more than punish- 
ments. Of these the moft effectual regulation will be their certainty* cot 
their severity. 



( 153 ) 

may be blessed with liberty ; let us be convinced, 
that nothing short of such an union as has been pro«« 
posed, can preserve the blessing ; and therefore let 
us be resolved to adopt it. 

As to alterations, a little EXPERiEKCBf will cast 
more light upon the subject, than a multitude of 
debates. Whatever qualities are possessed by those 
who object, they will have the candor to confess^ 
that they will be encountered by opponents, not in 
any respect inferior, and yet differing from them in 
judgment, upon every point they have mentioned. 

Such untired industry to serve their country^ 
did the delegates to the federal convention exert, 
that they not only laboured to form the best plan 



f If an tlie wite men of ancieiit and modern timei, all the Mm/, tyairgmmf 
Pentu^ and Lnkes^ that erer lived, coald be anembled together for deiiberttioa 
oo die tabject, they could not form a constitution or tyttem of goTemmcnt that 
would not require future alterations. 

The Britiah govemmettt, which lome persons so much celebrate, ii a coUec* 
tioo of innorations. 

There is a continual flow in human aflairs. The ceaselen waves have earn- 
ed man on to delightful discoveries, greatly meliorating his condition. There 
•re more discoveries yet to be made, and perhaps more bvonrable to his coo^ 
dition. While other sciences are advancing, why should we supinely or vainly 
suppose, that we in the Argt lately constructed by us, have already tcKhed 
the " ukima ibrnU^ the ftfthest point in the nmmigt^m tffUty* 

VOL. II U . 



( 154 ) 

they could) but, provided for making at any time 
amendments on the authority of the people^ without 
shaking the stability of the government. For this 
end, the congress, whenever two-thirds of both 
houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose 
amendments to the constitution, or, on the appli- 
cation of the legislatures oftwo^thirds of the seve^ 
ral states,: 8H A LI. call a convention for proposing 
amendments, which, in either case, shall be« valid 
to all intents and purposes as part of the constitu- 
tion, Wnhen ratified by the legislatures of three- 
fourths of the several states, or by conventions ia 
three-fourths thereof, as one or the other mode of 
ratification may be proposed by congress. 

Thus, by ^gradual progress ^ we may from time 
to time introduce every improvement in our consti' 
tution, that shall be found suitable to our situation-f 
For this purpose, it may perhaps be adviseable, for 
every state, as it sees occasion, to form with the 
utmost deliberation, drafts of alterations respective* 



t Erery improrement in our conititntion that can be ditcorered, ihmiM be 
tmmnlhnly adopted as part of it. 

The promoters of the Brithb revolution in x688, neglected ia the propff 
line \o make many improvenenu of high importance ; and the friends af 
freedom have wioe been scarcely able to haire eren one of chem estaUiihod. 

The great maxim of that very extraordinary man, Cosmo de Mbdzcis, was 
lhi>— ^ Dffir mi tHi h-morruw^ vfkatcan andou^t U he done /^-d^.** 



( 155 ) 

[y required bj them, and to enjoin their represent- 
atives, to employ every proper method to obtain n 
rtttfioation. 

. Iv thi» way of proeeeding, the nndotibted sense 
of every state, collected in the coolest manner, not 
die sense of individuals^ will be laid befbre the 
whole union in congress, and that body trill- be eh* 
nbled with the clearest light that can be affbrded by 
every part of it, and with the least occasion of irri- 
tation, to compare and weigh the sentiments of all 
United America ; forthwith to adopt such alterati- 
ons as are recommended by general unanimity ; by 
degrees to devise modes of conciliation upon con- 
tradictory propositions : and to give the revered 
advice of our common country, upon those, if any 
such there should be, that in her judgment are in- 
admissible, because they are incompatible with the 
happiness of these states. 

: It cannot be with reason apprehended, that con- 
gress will refuse to act upon any articles calculat- 
ed to promote the common vielfare^ though they 
may be unwilling to act upon such as are designed 
to advance partial interests ; but whatever their 
sentiments may be, they must call a convention 
for proposing amendments, on applications of two* 
thirds of the legislatures of the several states. 



( 156 ) 

. ^Ma7 those good citizens, who have sometimes 
turned their thqughts towards a second convention, 
be pleased to consider, that there are men who 
speak as they do, yet do not mean as they do. 
These borrow the sanction of their respected names, 
to conceal desperate designs. May they also con. 
sider, whether persisting in the suggested plan, in 
preference to .the constitutional provision, may not 
kindle flames of jealousy and discord, which all 
their abilities and virtues can never extinguish. 



FABIUS. 



( 157 ) 



LETTER IX. 



. W HEN the sentiments of some objectors, con- 
cerning the British constitution, are considered, it 
is surprising, that they should apprehend so much 
danger to United America^ as, they say, will attend 
the ratification of the plan proposed to us, by the 
late federal convention. 

These gentlemen will acknowledge, that Bri- 
tain has sustained many internal convulsions, and 
many foreign wars, with a gradual advancement in 
freedom, power and prosperity. They will acknow- 
ledge, that no nation has existed that ever so per- 
fectly united those distant extremes^ private secu^ 
rity of life^ liberty^ and property^ with exertion of 

public force so advantageously combined the 

various powers of militia, troops, and fleets or 

so happily blended together arms, arts, science, 
commerce, and agriculture. From what spring has 
flowed this stream of happiness ? The gentlemen 
will acknowledge, that these advantages are derived 
from a single democratical representative branch 
in her legislature. They v. ill also acknowledge^ 



( 158 ) 

that in this branch, called the house of commons, 
only one hundred and thirty-one are members for. 
counties i that nearly one half of the whole housev 
is chosen by about five thousand seven hundred 
persons, mostly of no property ; that fifty-six mem* 
bers are elected by about three hundred and seventy 
persons, and the rest in an enormous dispropor- 
tion* to the numbers of inhabitants who ought to 
vote, t 

Thus are all the millions of people in that king- 
dom, said to be represented in the house of com- 
mons. 

Let the gentlemen be so good, on a subject so 
familiar to them, as to make a comparison between 
the British constitution, and that proposed to us* 
Questions like these will then probably present 
themselves : is there more danger to our liberty, . 
from such a president as we are to have, than to 
that of Britons from an hereditary monarch with a 
vast revenue absolute in the erection and dis- 
posal of offices, and in the exercise of the whole 

* No manlier cf parliameBt ought to be elected by fewer dian the majority 
of 800, npon the mort moderate calculation, according to Doctor Frice, 

t By the conttitntion proposed to us, a m^ortty of the home of repreteata* 
tive^ and of the senate, makes a quormn to do business : but, if the writer is 
■ot mi sta ken , about a fburteeoth part of the members of the house of com- 
Bom, makes a qnomm for that purpose. 



( 159 ) 

executive power in the command of the militia, 

fleets, and armies, and the direction of their opera- 
tions in the establishments of fairs and mar- 
kets, the regulation of weights and measures, and 

coining of money who can call parliaments with 

a breath, and dissolve them with a nod who can, 

at his will, make war, peace, and treaties irrevoca- 
bly binding the nation and who can grant par- 
dons for crimes, and titles of nobility, as it pleases 
him? Is there more danger to us, from twenty-six 
senators, or double the number, than to Britons^ 
from an hereditary aristocratic body, consisting of 
many hundreds, possessed of enormous wealth in 
lands and money strengthened by a host of de- 
pendents and who, availing themselves of de- 
fects in the constitution, send many of these into 

the house of commons who hold a third part of 

the legislative power in their own hands and 

who form the highest court of judicature in the na- 
tion ? Is there more danger to us, from a house of 
representatives, to be chosen by all the freemen of 
the union, every two years, than to Britons^ from 
such a sort of representation as they have in the 
house of commons, the members of which, too, are 
chosen but every seven years ? Is there more dan- 
ger to us, fi*om the intended federal officers, than 
to Britons J from such a monarch, aristocracy, and 
house of commons together ? What bodies are 
there in Britain^ vested with such capacities for 



( 186 ) 



LETTER IF. 



£3 



Wr £ come to the second part of the objeGtion. 

If hereafter a wild spirit of ambition, should 
prompt France to imitate Rome^ it will not be her 
acquisitions of the Netherlands and countries on 
the left bank of the Rhine j that will cause her to 
succeed. What are they^ when contrasted with 
all Europe ? The event of such a nefarious project, 
would not depend on that point. If it could not 
be executed without that accession, it could not be 
executed with it. I 

There are other circumstances that would be 
much more likely to give it success : and these are 
the follies and vices of princes. 

Cast your eyes around, and behold the condi- 
tion of the human race a condition, that while 

it evidences their wretchedness, and extorts your 
comfniseration, yet amidst the ruins of tnan^ 
bears testimony to the original glories of his na- 
ture, "whose builder v& GOD.^^ 



( 187 ) 

How have men, ^^ made in the image of their 
Creator," become thus depressed ? Because their 
lisposition is gentle, social, grateful, well-meaning, 
ind therefore confiding. 

These qualities they rashly indulged, not duly 

attending to another divine gift REASON 

lihe guide and guardian of the microcosm. 

No gift of our Maker can be abused or neglected 
with impunity. His laws are not made, to be bro- 
ken, or slighted. 

The cunning, the hard-hearted, laden with lusts, 
availed themselves of the means afforded to them 
by the innocent and the imprudent. They affected 

to be benefactors, that they might be masters. 

They were too successful. They fastened chains 
upon the very hands that were held up to heaven 

in supplication for blessings upon their heads. 

The interests of the manyy pleasing hecatombs in 
the religion of governors, have been sacrificed tp 
the passions of the /<?■«;. Tyranny and slavery, in- 
temperance and misery, have raged, and are now 
raging, over the globe. 

To nations thus steeped in woes, when liberty 
advances towards them, " the trumpet may give an 
uncertain sound*'— but, when they " understand 



( 188 ) 

it, they will prepare themselves for the battle*'— 
unless justice be rendered them. * 

\ The balance of povser so much talked of, is ge- 
nerally a compact between the oppressors of man- 
kind, settling among themselves, the quantity of 
mischief which each may commit, without being 

^ disturbed by the rest : and I appeal to history for 
the truth of what I now say. We have had a sam- 
ple, in our own days, of this attention to the balance 

of power IN THE PARTITION OF PO. 

LAND by which a noble nation was despoiled 

* The origin, the structure, the faculties, the affections, the hopet, mnd the 
progressioo of isaxi, all coocur to announce a dcftiny, even in thU life, incom- 

parablj more favourable to his welfare, than the reign of follies and vices, hat 
hitherto permitted him to enjoy. 

The vastly valuable gifts already received from his adorable Creator, may 
justly animate his filial expectations. He begins to discover, hno^ in some in* 
stances, those gifts have been intercepted, and ^ow, in others, they have been 
perverted. 

*Tbe divine ivorh in nature, interpreted by a true phihstphy, the aktb^Haihn im» 
strucHmi qI reveaUd ptGgion, their united influence in expanding, ekvitiiig, and 
directing the mind, the exciting intercourse at produced by the invenuoua of thn 
compass and the press, are probably all, together, perhaps with other causes un* 
known co us, under a most gracious superintending Providence, lilclllly co- 
operating, like ** the wheels within wheels,*' deKribed by the prop||iB(,to Hfiota" 
plish a mighty revolution, with '* glory to God in the highest, on earth peace, 
and good will towards men.'* 

After the miracles of trtmUm and remdatim^iht doaatioa of other Ua«uifa» 
however extraordinary, when compared with the present state of thio^ ia 
easily credible. 



( 189 ) 

of liberty, at the very moment when they were most 
sensible of its value : a deed, as base and as cruel 
as any, the records ancient or modem of tyrannical 
hostilities against the human race, can supply. 

I have said generally y because there have been 
some wise and commendable efforts, to maintain a 
balance of power in Europe. I have in my recol- 
lection, the alliances formed in the beginning of the 
seventeenth century, and continued to the peace of 
Muntsery near the middle of it, for controuling the 
power of the house of Austria ; and these alliances 
were crowned with success. I have dso in my re- 
collection, the alliances formed afterwards in that 
century, and renewed about the beginning of this, 
for controuling the power of the house of Bourbon j 
and these alliances too were crowned with success. 

These were manly, generous exertions, merit- 
ing to succeed, and may all such exertions have a 
like issue. Should France ever adopt the princi- 
ples that were adopted by the heads of those hous- 
es, she will become as detestable as they have been 
and now are, and will deserve to be with them con- 
demned to everlasting infamy. 

What did these houses, the exalted artificers of 
evils, the illustrious disturbers of the earth gain, 
by all their policy and all their guilt, all their frauds, 



( 190 ) 

and all their outrages ? Solid misery for tbeir of* 
fectionate people {m) for themsehesj one of them 
a shattered empire^ the contempt, of those they once 
contemned, and a long account of debits, the pay- 
ment of which is now in a train of exaction : and 
the other of them provinces and fortresses, whose 
projecting impediments and terrors, now forbid 
their posterity even to behold their native land.* 

^^ Disci te justitiam^ moniti^ et non temnere^* 
Deum 

Take V) anting revere justice and despise 

not the Ruler of the Universe. 

FABIUS. 



* <* Unless eitlier pbilosophers bear rule in states, or those who are now 
called kings and potentates, learn to pbilosopbise justly and properly, and thus 
both ciTZL powBK and prilosopbt are mited im tbt Mmcpert§n/it appcarato 
nc, that there can be no cessation of calamatiis, either to axATSt or 

to THE WBOLE HUMAN RACE." 

Plato, of rep. bonk 5. 

Cuer§ compendion'sly describes the character of a mler, as perfected by md- 
tiBg temper and understanding, in these two wofd a * mitia Mpientift"*-— 
m p l d wiidooi* 



( Wl ) 



1 ETT E R F. 



If France^ in a delirium of intoxication, should 
ever aim at the subjugation of Europe ^ or a great 
part of it, what will prevent such alliances being 
formed against her, as have heretofore put a stop to 
the aggressions of her monarchs ? To others, the 
cause will be, as it was then, energetically cement- 
ing. Each will know, that his liveliest hope witb- 
out such alliances is only — ^to be the last devoured. 
What will hinder such alliances from being as suc- 
cessful as former ones ? — ^Will there not be as 
much force in them, as there was in the preceding ? 
There will be, and a greater force, * if they arc 
formed with the same prudence and fidelity. 

The late successes of France offer no proof to 
the contrary. The confederacy against her, was 
framed on criminal and discordant principles. («) 
Criminal J because its views were — dismemberment^ 
2Lnd compulsion to slavery. As soon as some of the 
confederates enlightened by irresistable arguments 



^ Several countries in Europe have increased in power since the last centvrjr^ 
oiQcfa more than Fratui has done. 



r 



( 192 ) 

discovered, that the scheme was hopeless, or at least 
that the candle was of more value than the game» 
they closed the tables. 

The principles were discordant too. There was no 
point of union, as in the laudable alliances before 
mentioned. The associates were not fighting for 
their common safety^ unspeakably interesting and 
impulsive to all, but each for his peculiar share of 
plunder. Some of them found out, that they did not 
stand so good a chance in this brigandage, as others* 
In this hunt with lions, the strongest were likely to 
take all the prey to themselves, and their com- 
panions to sit down at the end of it, hungry, weary, 
lacerated, and licking their wounds. These accord- 
ingly left the chace, and betook themselves to a 
better employment. 

In these respects, the confederacy was defective. 

Again the principal operations were at the 

frontiers of France. This circumstance gave her 
great advantages ; especially if she could cast the 
>war, as she did, into neighbouring countries of her 
enemies. Her domestic resources were within 
reach. Contributions aided them. This is a case 
very different, from that of traversing remote, hos- 
tile regions, of climates dissimilar to her own, 
abounding with difficulties of passage, and filled 



( 193 ) 

with warlike and enraged inhabitants. She has 
experienced the obstinacy of such obstructions, 
whenever her armies have entered far into Germany. 

Loos: at the m^p of Europe, and see the propor^ 
tion which France bears to the whole of it. Ex- 
amine any treatise upon the comparitive population 
of the different countries. I don't pretend to be 
exact, but I believe, none of them estimates the 
population of France j at more than one-fifth of the 
aggregate. Many of these nations have a redun- 
dancy of all the materids requisite for the manufac- 
ture of arms, and understand the art of war as well 
as the French. If tJbeir countries shall be invaded, 
why should not tbey feel the same passions excited, 
and resist as firmly as the French did, when their 
country was invaded ? It will not be said, I pre- 
sume, that they will have LESS at stake ; for, if 
the French had MORE at stake, what ivas it ? It 
could not be soil or climate, though both are delight- 
ful in France : for every nation appears to be so 
well reconciled to its own, as to prefer them to 
those of others, and it is not a fiction of the poet, 
when he says 

" JVhat happier natures shrink at with affright, 
" The hard inhabitant contends is right.^^ 

VOL. II. 2 A 




( 194 ) 

If I am not mistaken, some learned and ingeni- 
ous men, natives of the northerly and ru^edest 
parts of Europe^ have written books to prove them 
to be the most charming of the earth. What 
MORE then had the French to contend for, than 
other nations of Europe would have, upon an inva- 
sion ? Whatever IT was, since it produced 

such ardor and perseverance in the defence of their 
country, humanity must dictate a wish to bene- 
volent minds, that every other nation may have 
THE SAME animating and invigorating object 
before them. 

Neither will it be said, I presume, that the 
French are braver than the other nations of Europe. 
If it should be said, it is not necessary to contro- 
vert the assertion. This seems plain, that if they 
are^ their friendship is worth cultivating. 

Other causes for the secession of some of the 
confederates mixed with those already mention- 
ed. 

The hereditary aversions of Spain and Prussia^ 
covered over for a while witli deceitful ashes since 
blown off, again began to glow. By the first, Gib- 
ralter and Jamaica could not be forgot. Corsica 
at the front door, and the fFest-India islands at the 



( 195 ) 

back door, seized by Great-Britain^ afforded new 
matter for meditation. 

Prussia might acquire more by friendship with 
Franccy whose potency was now indisputable, than 
by the ill-concocted and ever-suspected amity of 
Austria. At least it was no inconsiderable point 
to save men and money, while her ancient enemy 
was profusely wasting both. Happily for her^ she 
was not so blinded with passion^ as to be incapable 
of discerning her true interest. 

What a pity ! that a confederacy formed for 
such glorious purposes, as the preservation of the 
balance of power in Europe^ her general welfare, 
and still more for the preservation of " morali- 
ty and religion^^^ should be forsaken for such infe- 
tior and shameful considerations ! Yet, so it has ^ 
been, and so it ever will be, while the rulers of 
mankind, holding out specious pretences to deceive 
the too credulous world, are only devising leagues 
for the gratification of their own inordinate defires. 
Piques, jealousies, intrigues and temptations of 
partial advantage, will be continually fracturing a 
coalition, that has no sound attracting principle of 
adhesion : or in other words, the same viciousness 
of disposition that generated it, will infallibly de- 
stroy it. " A corrupt tree cannot bring forth good 
fruit.'' 



u 



( 196 ) 

Wren the principle is right, the effect is direct- 
ly the reverse. 

From these premises, may we not justly infer, 
that, if the domination of France shall be really 
apprehended by Europe^ she possesses adequate 
means of defence ? 

That it is really apprehended does not appear to 

be the case at present, and it is hoped, that there wiH 

not be any reason to apprehend it hereafter. On 

the contrary, the establishment of such a republic 

as France^ will beam with an auspicious aspect on 

mankind. Who that is the least acquainted n^ith 

their situation, but must ardently wish for its ame-" 

lioration i In 1783, congress, in an address to the 

citizens of these states, declared their expectation, 

" that from our revolution, the cause of liberty would- 

acquire a dignity and lustre which it had never yet 

enjoyed ; and that an example would be set which 

could not but have the most favourable infiuence on 

" it he rights of mankinds The " example^^ has been 

i'^ /followed by the greatest people upon earth ; and 

I j if such vast benefits to our fellow-creatures could 

be produced by our conduct, how transcendant 

must they be, that are to be expected from repub^ 

\ lican France ? 



( 197 ) 

The governors of nations if they do not learn hu-"^ 
inanity, will at least be taught to pay a greater re- 
spect than they have been accustomed to do, to the 
happiness of the governed. They will be obliged 
Jbr their own safety ^ to communicate as much as 
they possibly can of the blessings enjoyed by free- 
men, to those over whom they exercise authority. 
Republics cannot easily be impoverished or set a 
bleeding, by the rapacity, the pride, the rashness, 
the ambition, or other vices of a few individuals. 
Hereditary rulers must take great care^ that they 
dv. not give cause for dangerous comparisons. 

■ 
For these reasons, and such others as a train of 

thought upon the subject may suggest, it is appre- 
hended, that those among us, who have supposed, 
that the establishment of France as a republic, all 
her demands obtained, will give her an unjust or 
improper elevation, may make up their minds with 
much satisfaction. 



FABIUS. 



A 



( 198 ) 



LETTER VL 



Another consideration of vast magnitude 

in the present situation of our affairs, is this 

what Villi be the state of France at the termination ' 
of the war ? 

This consideration is of vast magnitude to us, 
not that any one can be so weak as to imagine, it 
can with prophetic certainty be foretold ; but, be- 
cause if WE think that state will be unfavorable to 
her^ WE may be led into most pernicious mistakes. 

A VERY ingenious and learned writer has told 
us, that " France will be obliged to return under 
the former despotism, or will be divided into a 
number of democratical republics." 

If we entertain the same notion, perhaps we may 
act upon it. If we do, and it proves to be an error, 
even his abilities and knowledge, extraordinary as 
they are, will be perplexed to calculate the conse- 
quences. 

The victories and conquests of France have 
been described in our news-papers. They need 
not be recapitulated. 



( 199 ) 

** But their armies have been frequently de- 

feated." 

So it has often happened to nations, that at the 
conclusion of wars have come oflF triumphant. So 
it was with us. 

It is impossible to calculate the energies inspired 
by a love of freedom. 

When an oppressed nation draws the sword to 
assert her liberty, all the noblest passions, affecti- 
ons, and faculties are brought into ardent concen- 
tration. The collected rays of the sun, that flashed 
firoM the speculums of Archimedes^ were not more 
irresistable. For instances in point, I refer to 
Rome after the expulsion of the Tarquins^ to Sv)it* 
Zetland^ to the United Provinces, and to these 
states. Any man, if but slightly acquainted with 
the workings of the human mind, in emotions 
where self-love expands to sanctity, cannot over- 

liDok this commanding temperament. Whence 

derived, let those inquire, who doubt whether our 
adorable Maker loves his creatures of mankind, 
and approves their vindication of the rights, which 
blended with their reason, he has been most graci- 
ously pleased to '* breatbe^^^ into their existence. 



* GcnctU, ii. 7. 



d 



( 200 ) 

«< But there are multitudes of disaffected 

persons in France^ who wish for peace at any 



rate 



»> 



So there were among us ; and so there have been, 
and will be in all nations under the like circumstan- 
ces. Great-Britain trusting in such tales, was en- 
couraged to continue her work of deisolation iii this 
land, till news more strange and true, baffled fleets 
and captured armies, convinced her that her reli- 
ance was illusion. 

Ir a man had conversed with people in many 
partis of this country during our last war, he might 
have been induced to believe, that America was 
ready for unconditional submission. But that 
would have been a mistake. The impulse was giv- 
en, and operating according to the laws of nature ; 
but, it was looked for in wrong places : just as if 
one should judge of the tide in a river, by observ- 
ing the eddies at its sides,, and believe it was run- 
ning down, when in the channel it was flowing up 
with a strong stream. 

" It is said the finances of France arc quite 
deranged.*' 

Sh£ confesses it. 



( aoi ) 

. . So 9re th^ financf^s of her enepriies. T^^y deny 

it. Yet they beg for peace ; sb^ prefer? a con* 

tinuance of the wan Let us put these things toge- 
ther : and think. 

" It i$ also said—! — the war is continued, be- 
cause her rulers are averse tP peace, through fear 
of losing their office^ at its re9torationv' 

Tit AT is to say, that men certainly of eminent 
talents, appointed by and dependent upon the peo- 
ple, with recent and terrible examples before them, 
would risk their lives to save their posts* The fact 
.is, that France applauds the conduct of her govern- 
mei^t in bi:eaking off the late negociation with Great- 
Britain^ and so general and so warm is this senti- 
ment, that individuals who loudly arraigned the 
haughtiness displayed at its commencement, with 
impassioned praises celebrate the firmness mani- 
fested in its dissolution. 

" It is further said if the armies should be 

dis^banded, and the soldiers return to their homes, 
there will be a hideous explosion." 

That is to say that bodies of men, who 

have given every demonstration men could give, of 
PUBLIC SPIRIT and LOVE OF COUNTRY, 

VOL. II. 2 B 



( 202 ) . 

when received with transports of gratitude on their 
natal soil, the sweet remembrancer of their earliest 
and purest pleasures ; where the tenderest afiec- 
tions shielded their helpless infancy, where 2l\ the 
charities of life with untutored eloquence plead 
their gentle rights, and where even every tree, 

stone, and brook claims kindred will instantly 

be transformed into villains and traitors, and d^ 
stroy those very objects, for the defence of which 
they had so long oflfered themselves ^to die. 



.J 



FABIUS. ^ 

■ • ■ • J 



1 



( 203 ) 



LETTER riL 






Jb ROM these fables let us turn t o histor y S 

Aboitt two hundred and sixty years before the 
commencement of our ara, a war, of such influ- 
ence on the afiairs of mankind, that though twenty 
centuries of time have been since measured out, 
yet every nation in Europe at this day, feels im- 

pressipns rfrom the event broke out between 

CARTHAGE and ROME. 

The Romans had not then made any establish- 
ment out of Italy. Carthage was possessed of 
very large dominions in Africa^ had made consider- 
able acquisitions in Spain^ was sovereign of Sar^ 
diniaj Corsica^ and all the islands on the coast of 
Ita/y^ and had extended her conquests to a great 
part of Sicily. She was then, and had been for 
ages, unrivalled mistress of the Mediterranean ^ 
the celebrated theatre of ancient maritime adven- 
ture, and her navigation alone bounded over the 
mountainous waves of the ocean. 



# 



( 204 ) 

The Romans got out a fleet as well as they 
could. But, so inconsiderable was it in compari- 
son with that of the Carthaginians^ and so unskil- 
ful were they in naval tactics, that most of their 
ships were taken, others dashed in pieces by a 
storm, and the battered remains retired to a port in 
Italy. 

They had contrived to transport f an army to 
Sicily y an island of vast consequence to Carthage^ 
and there they were successful : but, they observ- 
ed, that the coasts of their own country lay expos- 
ed to the depredations of their enemies, who often 
made descents upon them, while the dominions of 
the Carthaginians were in perfect tranquillity. Re- 
solved, therefore to be as formidable at sea as they 
were on land, they ordered one hundred quinquere- 
meSy the ships of the line in those days, and twen- 
ty triremes y equivalent to the frigates of modem 
times, to be built. So unexperienced were they, 
that a Carthaginian galley, which ventured too 
near the shore had been stranded and taken, was 
the model for this armament. 

The Romans immediately set about this labori- 
ous work, cut down trees in their forests, ahd con- 

f PoLTBiu8,in his first book, says, that the Romans were M onpivrided 
with shipping for transporting this army, that they were obliged to borrow 
vessels from their neighbours for that purpose. 



( 205 ) 

veyed them to the sea side, with an expedition of 
which no example was known. The fleet was 
built and equipped in two months, reckoning from 
the day the trees began to be cut down: 

While some were employed in building the 
gallies, others assembling those who were to serve 
on board, instructed them in the use of the oar in 
the following odd manner. They constructed 
benches on the shore, in the same fashion and order 
as they were to be in the gallies, and placing the 
men on these benches, an officer by signs with his 
hand directed them how to dip all their oars at once, 
and with the like regularity to recover them. Thus 
they became acquainted with 'the management of 
the oar ; and as soon as the vessels were finished 
and fitted out, they spent some time in practising 
on the water what they had learned on shore. 

Thb exertions of the i?t?/w^n^ on this occasion, 
appeared so astonishing to Polybius^ that they en- 
gaged him to undertake writing a history of the 
war. 

After various success, this fleet was almost 
wholly destroyed by a storm. The Romans got out 
another. That was destroyed in like manner * 
They were so much affected by these losses, that it 
was decreed that for the future no more than 




( 206 ) 

fifty vessels should be sent out, and that these should 
be employed only in guarding the coasts of Italy ^ 
and in transporting troops to Sicily. 

After some time, they resumed their usual vi- 
gour, and put a new fleet to sea, knowing they could 
by no other means keep their hold of Sicily^ so im- 
portant to them by its vicinity to Italy ^ and for 
other reasons. This fleet consisted of an hundred 
and twenty gallies. The Carthaginians with only 
ninety, met, defeated it, and took all the ships but 
thirty. 

Still undaunted and persevering, the Romans 
fitted out another fleet of the same force. The Car- 
tbaginians despising them since the late defeat, 
sailed out to fight it : but their pilots foreseeing 
that a storm was coming on, retired to a safe har- 
hour. The Romans not aware of the impending 
danger, kept the sea. The storm came on. The 
destruction was total. Not a single galley, not a 
single transport, and there were eight hundred, with 
a large army on board, and laden with all sorts of 
provisions and military stores, escaped. 

The Romans now laid aside all thoughts of build- 
ing new gallies. The number oi Roman citizens ap- 
peared by a census now taken, to be reduced no less 
than 86,575 since the last census was taken. 



( 207 ) 

However a large fleet of privateers was fitted 
out, and the commomvealth lent to private persons, 
gratis^ the gallies she had left. These privateers 
acting together, obtained some advantages over 
the Carthaginians ; and committed great devasta- 
tions. They were afterwards destroyed by a storm. 

The steady Romans fitted out at the expence of 
private persons, to be reimbursed v)ben the republic 
should be able^ another fleet. It consisted of two 
hundred quinqueremes. The new armament far 
exceeded any of the former. It was built on an im- 
proved model taken from the Carthaginians. Thus^ 
at last well prepared the Romans soon gained a 
complete victory ; became masters at sea, as well 
as on land : and after a contest of twenty-four years, 
in which they lost seven hundred gallies, while 
their enemies lost only five hundred, made an hon- 
ourable and advantageous peace, by which, all their 
demands being obtained, among other articles, 
Sicily and the islands near to it and Italy were 
yielded to them.f 

FABIUS. 

f The second Carthaginum war lasted seventeen years. As it cost the 
confederated states of Greece nearly thirty years of war, to hew down the enor- 
jnous and domineeriDg maritime power of Atbensf so it cost the Romans more 
than forty years of war to hew down the enonnousand domineeriDg maritime 
power of Carthage. 



d 



( 208 ) 



LETTER Fill. 



Of all national powers, that which is chiefly 
derived from commercial resources, seems to. be 
the most precarious. It depends too much on ex- 
traneous support. It must be exercised not only 
with great wisdom, but also with great virtue ; that 
is, it must be beneficial to others, as well as profit- 
able to the people possessing it, or it cannot be 
permanent. Our Creator never made individuah or 
nations, to be kind to themselves only. When at- 
tended with eminent success, it is apt to geners^e 4 
spirit of pride, dissipation, insolence, rashness, rar 
paciousness, and cruelty. The eagerness for wealth, 
increases with amassment. It rages.' It is a pes^ 
tilence. Altered nations preserve scarcely a resem- 
blance of themselves. Hardly a feature of their 
promising youth, remains in their debauched man- 
hood. They, who were worthily diligent and de- 
cently frugal, become wickedly active and impu- 
dently avaricious : and, they who nobly defended 
their own liberty, deem it glorious to destroy the 
liberty of others. With them, justice is a restraint : 
benevolence a weakness. To use an expression 



( 209 ) 

of Tbucydides •* Nothing is thought dishonorable 
that is pleasing, nothing iniquitous, that is gain- 
ful.'* 

Let us. bestow our attention for a moment, on 
Athens^ Carthage^ Fenice^ and Holland. Each of 
these states, by the force of commerce, has been 
predominant over considerable tracts of the world ; 
and to each of them might many nations say, with 

the old Roman " By our wretchedness thou art, 

great J*'* Thus commerce calculated by its nature 
to be an instrument for increasing the felicity of 
mankind, ((?) has in many instances become a 
scourge. / 1^ . 

If a conclusion may be drawn from a multitude 
of events delivered down to us by unprejudiced 

historians, the monitory result is that the con- ^ 

duct just mentioned will be found ultimately to 
produce consequences, diredUy the reverse of the 
purposes intended by the short-sighted perpetrators 

and that where nations raise themselves, by 

proudly trampling upon others, although they may 
by bravery and management obtain the most con- 
spicuous eminence, yet, by the immutable lav) of 
ournature that forbids the existence of happiness 
without virtue^ the causes of declension constantly 
intermingle with their criminal successes—— 
VOL. II. 2 C 




( 210 ) 

'^ Grow with their growth and strengthen with 
their strength'" 

and at the period when their destroying glory 
reaches its greatest height, then precisely are thqr 
near to their fall, f 

Each of the republics lately mentioned was 
deeply guilty. Could the murdered and the miser- 
able, the victims of their crimes, rise from their 
beds of death, and move in silent procession before 
oar eyes, we recollecting the delicacies, the vir- 
tues, the tender affecUons, the generous sensati- 
ons, that in their persons had been violated ynd 

t How rtrictly ooofbimibk « nch evenn t* the diviDe dcnoncktiaiif in 
•o many parts of the Kriptures, against national iuolence and tjiaiwyi of 
which the following texts may serre for emnplefc 

" ThBB saith the Lobo God ^behold I am agaioft thee and will make 

thee most dcMiUte. I will by thy city waste, and thoa shak he demlBie ; aad 
thoQ don know that I am the Loan. Becaafe tlioo hart had a peipetwi h^ ' 
tred, and hast shed blood by the fiorce of the aword bfcioic tho« but Mid, 
these nations and these countries shall be mine, and we will po ss e ss them > 
- therefore, as I Utc, saith the Lord God, I will do according to thine anger, and 
accardmg to tlune envy, which thon hast vsed oat of thy hiftred ^gafaHtthem 
andthon shak know that I am the Lord, and that I havehcardA thy 
blasphemies which thoa hast spoken— paying they are laid des ol ate, they arc 

given ms to consume 1 have heard them when the whcde caith rejoio* 

cth,I win make chee desolate, and Aej diallknow that I am the LoH. 

EaaKiBfr 35. 

If there be any way of obtaining a perpetuity of national prosperity, h 9Uit 
be by a'con(brmity of conddct C6 the impartial benevolence of tii AAtr rf^ 
mankind. 



( 211 ) 

racked into the utmost exacerbation of human 

woes though conscious to ourselves that their 

sufferings were passed, how would our brains burn 
with anguish, if floods of tears should not relieve 
us ? 

For what were these crimes committed ? For 
no better purposes than 

** To drink {rom gems and sleep on Tyrian dyes.'* 

I HAD proceeded thus far in these letters, when 
the late advices from Italy came to my knowledge. 
How the actions there may influence the councils 
at Vienna and London^ is uncertain. My fervent 
desire is, that united with other considerations 
they may speedily produce a peace that will assure 
lasting tranquillity and a large abundance of bene- 
. fits to Europe^ and to all parts of the world that 
have any kind of connection with any of her pow- 
ei*s.-' ■ * 

Tbbrb is not a nation upon earth, whose wel- 
&re would not give me pleasure : and, as I wish, 
that the observations now offered to my fellow-ci** 
tisens, may not be impeached, at a period so mo« 
'iftentous to my country as the present, by a charge 
. pf preju.dice in favor of France^ or of enmity to 
Great- Britain^ I trust, that by the candid I^^ 



( 212 ) 

he pardoned, if with anticipation I answer to such 
a charge. 

If to believe that the French are engaged in a 

just war that their success in it will be favonu 

ble to the interests of liberty that they are as 

brave, generous, and humane a people as any we 
know and to wish that there may be a perpetu- 
al and most intimate friendship between them and 
these states, is to be prejudiced — I am prejudiced. 

If to wish that Charles Fox^ may be the minister 
in Great-Britain^ and that she may never be con-i 



* This inan*8 character, with some spots, as it is said, and not small ones up- 
on it, is most resplendent. For comprehension of mind, distinction of points, 
selection of opportunities, grandeur of design, and generonty of thought, he 
is so £dr elevated above his opponents, that their inferiority must be "^mfptf 
to any dispassionate observer. Well might a great hiatorian say of him that 

— *• he was a man of honor" and that—-" Iii the conduct of a party, 

he approved himself competent to the conduct of an empire.*' Happy would 
it have been for Britain, happy for millions, and among them for the royal fa^ 
mily in France, if this enlightened and benevolent statesman had presided over 
the affairs of his country for the last seven years. It is in eloquence he may 
have equals, hut what equak, has he in excellencies of heart ? 

In his tour oi Stpitzerlandy September, 1 788, says the historian in another place, 
" he gave me two days of free and private society. He seemed to fed, and 
even to envy the happiness of my situation ; while I admired the powers of m 
suftrkr man, as they are blended in his attractive character, with the softnesi 
and simplicity of a child. Perhaps no human being was ever more perfectly ex* 
empt from malevolence, vanity, or falsehood.** 



( 213 ) 

quered by France that she may immediately, 

without losing an instant a perpetuity of conse- 

quences may be involved in an instant make 

peace with her, on terms mutually advantageous— 
that then they may enjoy a participation of benefits, 

enhanced by the participation and that imitat- 

ing the being to whom they owe their happiness, 
they may communicate it as fully as the utmost 
exertions of their united powers will enable them, 

to others so that the blessings flowing from 

their concord, may far, far exceed *' in measure, 
number, and weight," the evils that have sprung 
from their discord, and that amidst the joy-born 
acclamations of grateful nations, they may have an 
inheritance in the highest human felicity, is to be 
an enemy to Great-Britain 1 am her enemy. 

What real American can desire the desolation 
of that land, the birth place of heroes, patriots^ 



what an eulogium, from so able a judge of mankind, and one who disapv 
proved hit politics at that time. 

If to this knowledge of the man, we add the emphatic import of the memor* 
able words he used in parliament, the beginning of last year, probably all im^ 
partial persona will unite in sentiment upon his merits : they were then 
** I regard it as a circumstance of good fortune to mc that I NEVER 

GAVE AN OPINION, BY WHICH ONE DROP OF BRITISH BLOOD 
WAS SHED, OR ANY OF ITS TREASURES SQUANDERED. 

Such a man belongs to the world, and should have a station, Crom which he 
could diffuse blessiings on mankind. 



r 



( 214 ) 

sages, and saints from which we have derived 

the blood that circulates in our arteries and veins 
— from which we have received the very current 

of our thoughts a land, whose meads, hills, and 

streams point out the spots, where her gallant sons 

met death, face to face, for libertt : a land, 

whose kind-hearted nobles, in every charter wrench- 
ed in attestation of their freedom from the gripe of 
tyranny, inserted clauses in favor of the commons, 
while the nobles of some other countries, after in- 
volving the people in their selfish quarrels, pretend- 
ed to be leagues for public good, left them naked 
to injuries, and made splendid bargains with their 
monarchs for themselves. The after-reckoning soon 
followed. Their provoked kings broke in upon 
them. In dismay, they cried out for help, but 
experienced the holy power of that eternal truth, 

that- Tbey who are false to others^ are false to 

themsehes. There was no help.* 

To this diflFerence of behaviour, the nobles of 
Britain at this day, in a great measure owe that 
portion of freedom in which they partake with the 
people, when the nobles of some other countries 
are— —what I wish to forget. So much wiser and 
better is it to communicate than to monopolize those 
things^ in^hich all ought to share. 

* The enumerttioD of these aiutances might ytrj retdilj be mide: but, If «r 



( 215 ) 

Another praise is due to Britain for the 

ipurity of her tribunals, in the administration of 
justice. 

The history of mankind, as far as I am acquaint- 
ed with it, does not afford an instance, where the 
stream has flowed so clear, for such a length of 
time. Power or faction has not been able to pol- 
lute it. The poor and the rich, the labourer and 
the nobleman, have equal rights to the wholesome 
draughts. There, even peers are blameless. 

Yet three evils have sprung up on its sides. 
On e the labyrinth f of roads leading towards 

it: another the expences of approaching' it. 

The last is, that some of the agents whose duty it 
has been to facilitate the access, have for their own 
profit put up false directions for those who seek it. 
These evils must be removed. To know their ti- 
tle, to see but not to taste the refreshing waters, is 
too hard a lot for innocence in distress. 

FABIUS, 



* ** Ret admonet^ nt de principlis juris, et quibis modis ad Bmc mukity£nem 
m£$uiam m* vmrUtaUm Ugum perrentumcft, &c.^ 



( 216 ) 



LETTER IX. 



JVLY intention is, to present to my countrymen a 
comparison between the Romans and the French on 
one hand^ and between the Carthaginians and the 
British on the other ; and that then with such re* 
flections as may be suggested to them, by the infor- 
mation their several opportunities may enable them 
to obtain on subjects of this sort, they may give 
themselves all the satisfaction that can be acquired 
from the probabilities of contingency in human 
affairs, what will be the final event of the war be- 
tween i^r^/jr^ and Great-Britain. 

I HAVE not the least doubt in my mind what the 
event will be : but, this is only the opinion of an 
individual, sensible that no weight can be attached 
to his opinion, unless it be supported by just rea- 
soning. Whether it is so supported, is submitted 
to the consideration of his fellow-citizens. 

Different things admit and require different 
kinds of proof. We do not see sounds or hear 
light. Things in themselves may be equally true, 
and yet to us not be capable of the same kind or de- 



( 217 ) 

gree of evidence. From the misty regions of possi- 
bility, we rise through the pleasing grades of pro- 
bability, till we arrive at moral certainty^ its high- 
est cheerful point. To demand another kind or a 
greater degree of evidence than the case allows, is to 
deceive ourselves. It weakens, and with a particu- 
lar disposition destroys the force of that evidence 
ivhich we really have. One error leads to others ; 
and this temper^ if indulged, will conduct us into 
absurdity, contempt of verity, and a fatal rashness.. . 
We may think ourselves at liberty, to determine 
against propositions supported by strong evidence, 
without any evidence equally or nearly as strong to 
justify that determination. Hence the wisdom of 
INFIDELITY. But, wc are not at liberty to decide, 
with this imperious peevishness. Reason forbids 
it ; and the constitution of our nature enforces the 
prohibition, by its accompanying sanctions. If we 
were to act thus in the common affairs of life, we 
should become not only ridiculous, but unhappy 
too : and if we act thus in great affairs, we shall 
become more ridiculous and unhappy. 

Some eminent geniuses, peremptorily decide 
against propositions^ though supported by the best 
evidence things of that sort will admit, and for 
which, supposing them to be true, better could 
not be given. With theniy nothing is to be assent- 

voL. II. 2 D 



( 218 ) 

cd to or believed, but what has the highest evi- 
dence. All other things are uncertain, lost in a 
terra incognita^ unworthy a place among the tenets 
of the initiated, and fit only for the dull credulity 
of the profane vulgar. For their minds, inflamed 
with a lust of truth ** dira cupido" in- 
dubitable certainty will not do. Their aspiring 
and comprehensive souls must embrace infallible 
certainty. 

Ye T, in the uniform tenor of their conduct, these 
Ixions willingly descend from their beloved clouds, 
humbly submit to put themselves upon a level 
with inferior wfnrf!y, and meekly condescend to ^^ 
governed, as tbey are by probability ; so that rea- 
son is a very good thing when it accords with their 
inclinations^ and a very poor one when it does not. 
It is therefore very difficult to know, what better 
faculty than reason they suppose they could have 
infused into man, if they had pre-existed and been 
consulted at his creation. In all probability j it 
would have been brilliant — and useless. 

If the state of affairs and the course of events in 
our days, appear to concur in announcing a cer- 
tain catastrophe, and the experience of mankind 
in past ages, under resembling circumstances, tes- 
tifies to us, that we ought to expect it, to reject 
3uch evidence will be madness, and may be dcstruc- 



( 219 ) 

-tion. We have no right to ask, and no reason to 
look for— —miracles. 

What were the Romans when they entered into 
their controversy with the Carthaginians^ in com- 
parison with the French at this time ? Vastly — if 
I did not esteem the word consecrated, I should 
perhaps have said, infinitely inferior. 

The French have not yet been again, and again, 
and again, and again, and again, ** with the besom 
of destruction," swept off the seas. They have some 
knowledge of naval affairs; some ships on the 
ocean, some in the Mediterranean^ and they have 
materials for building some more. They have some 
ships of Spain^ and some of the United Provinces^ 
to strengthen their fleets and squadrons. They 
have given some blows in all the four quarters of 
the world, and are very vigorously preparing to 
give some more. 

Th e future ones will probably be more direct and 
piercing. From their whole management against 
their enemies it appears, that they have adopted 
the maxim of an experienced general of antiqui- 
ty " Strike at the head.^^ The application has 

been as successful with them as it was formerly. 
The instances need not be mentioned. 




( 220 ) 

Great-Britain strikes at the nails of France* 
What has she got by it ? Some hogsheads of sugar* 
What more ? Some bags of coffee. What has she 
lost ? Millions of money, and myriads of men — 

brave men generous men loyal men— rtrue 

men a bad bargain. 

The farce of Corsica is ended. Toulon^ one of 
the strongest harbours known, some how or other 
the British got. Keep it they could not, any. how. 
Their ** protection*^ is perdition. Witness its in- 
habitants and the coasts of France. Their '* «///■ 
ance^^-i^ convulsion. Witness the United Pro- 
vinces. What their " respect^^ is, the states of 
Italy, and some other states, can tell. Their 
fleets have been so triumphant, that most of fhe 
ports in Europe are shut against their commerce. 
More, it is likely, will be shut. Ours, indeed, are 
open to them.' I acknowledge the greatness of this 
advantage. 

Some other of their acquisitions ought to be men- 
tioned. They have seized tbe cape of Good Hope^ 
parts of Ceylon, and the Molucca islands. 

Of what importance are these -places, as to /^^ 
sum of tbe war ? Absolutely of none. They arc 
worse* They will weaken their efforts at home 



( 221 ) 

imd near home. If they were to make more such 
acquisitions, it would be still worse. They may 
go on victoriously in this way, till they conquer 
themselves—^ — into destruction ; and the succes- 
sors of the ancient Gauh may well laugh, as I doubt 
not they do, to see their rough predecessor's maxim 
so whimsically reversed, from *' Fit victisy^^ to 
" Fie "oicioribus.^^ 

Owe strong grasp on Ireland ^ or any county in 
Britain^ will obtain a restoration of all her acqui- 
sitions and more. 

Will the French never make such a grasp ? 
If the war continues a little longer, most certainly 
they wilL They have hitherto been employed in 
clearing their way to the bosom of Britain. I 
dread the blows that will be struck there. Can 
British skill, great as it is, command the winds ? 
Can British valor, distinguished as it is, act where 
it is not ? How often have their fleets been locked 
up for weeks together by gales, at the same time 
fair for the operations of enemies if determined on 
a descent ? From Brest to the Dollari Sea^ the, 
whole confronting coasts are hostile, with a variety 
of inflections exceedingly favourable to invasion of 
the opposite shores. England had a very strong 




( 222 ) 

fleet, when invaded by William the first ; and also 
when invaded by fVilliam the third. f 

Besides, the French entertain a livelier resent- 
ment against Great-Britain^ than against any of 
her enemies. Their exertions against her wiU 
therefore be more intense, if possible, than they 
have been against their other enemies. If they 
should be so, the word more just now used, will 
be found to denote something greater than an //i- 
ad* 



£t diAUemus ad hue virtute extcndere wret f 

And deuh we yet by virtuous acts to rise, 
When fame, when safety is the mighty prize ? 
RjSE ! RISE ! my brethren ! PunU foes o*era 
Rise I the " Iwd aUles^^ of majestic Rome 



VXROIL. 



FABIUS. 



f In the year 487, Carautiut assomed in JBriUun, the imperial purple and title 
of Augustus, He extended his power over a great part of Gaul, and reigned . 
seren yean. He was succeeded by AlUctus, The emperor CmstaHtims deter* 
mined to attempt the recovery of BtHmm, The weather was favmiraUe t» 
the encerprize. ** The ROMANS, under the cover of a thick fog, <*c^M 
the fleet of AlUctus ; and convinced the BRITONS, that a superiority of maval 
strength will mi t^ayt pmtett fbeh cwntryfrpm a foreign invasion** 

GiBB. Hist. a. Z06 



( 223 ). 



LETTER X. 

A CONSIDERATION of high importance 

i}aims our most fixed attention the temper of 

the French. 

The great historian who has been quoted, was 
m eminent philosopher and statesman. He had the 
best opportunities for acquiring knowledge, by liv- 
ing in times of the greatest action, and in habits of 
intimacy with the most distinguished actors. 

In the second Punic war, the " dire HanibaV^ 
was at last expelled from Italy ^ and in the fields of 
Zama the doom of the world was determined. 

In the third war, Carthage perished to the 
roots* (j&) 

When Scipto Africanus the younger entered the 
principal street of the devoted city, then taken, and 
iU; flames, he held Poly bias- by the hand. The 
short conversation between them, it could not but 
be short, was pathetic in the extreme ; and there-' 
Tore, I hope every reader of sensibility will excuse 
iX recital of it. 



t( 



( 224 ) 

As they advanced among the blazing houses, 
and the flying, falling citizens, Scipio with emotion 
repeated some lines of Homer describing Troy in 
the same circumstances they now saw Carthage — 

" Yet come it will, tlie day decreed by fates, 

*' How my heart trembles while my tongue re- 
lates ! 
The day when thou, imperial TaoY, shall 

bend, 
And see thy warriors fall, thy glories end — "•]■ 



f The remainder of this speech of Hector to Andromacbe^ consfts of these linei:"* 
** And yet no dire presage so wounds vaj mind, 
•* My mother's death, the luin of my kind, 
•* Not Priam'% hoary hairs defiled with gore, 
** Not all my brothers gasping on the shore ; 
^ As thine, Andromaebt ! thy griefs I dread : 
" I see thee trembling, weeping, captive led ! 
^ In Argive looms our battles to design, ■ ^ 

" And woes, of which so large a part was thine! 
** To bear the victor's hard commands, or bring 
" The weight of waters from Hyperia% spring. 
" There, while you groan beneath the load of life, • " ' • 

" They cry— — Behold the mighty Hector % wife ! 
** Some haughty Greeks who lives thy tears to see, 
" Imbitters all thy woes, by naming me. 
** The thoughu of glory past, and present shame, 
^ A thous^d griefs shall waken at the name. . rt j 

'* May I lie cold before that dreadful day, 
" Press'd with a load of monumental clay ! 
** Thy Hector^ wrapt in everlasting sleep, 
** Shall neither hear thee sigh, nor see thee weep.** ■ ■. 



( S25 ) 

PtaXBim asked the general why he repiatij^ those 
lines in so tender a manner, iathe midst of his suc- 
cess against enemies? Scipio answered, that in 
viewing the destruction of Carthage^ he contem-r 
plated the uncertainty of empire, with a foreboding 
apprehension, that the most prosperous, might 
some time or other share the same fate. 

The historian being a man of business, and well 
acl^uainted with the world, his observations are 
drawn from life and manners, and therefore the frag- 
ments of his work are held in such universal esteem. 

'He tells us, that ^^the Romans prevailed by a cer^ 
tain inflexibility peculiar to themselves J^^ 

Have not the French sufficiently shewn, that 
they have an equal *^ ikflexxbilitt ?" That of 
the Romans appears to have been at times relaxed. 
When has that of the French ever been relaxed ? 
Difficulties, distresses, defeats, varied, compli- 
cated, calling on all sides for remedy or relief, they 
have met with. There have been pauses in their 
affairs, of prognosticating continuance. What fol- 
lowed? VoUies of victories. Battles lost have 
been preludes to battles won. Retreats have been 
waited on by conquests. Mountains, fortifications, 
rivers fluent or frozen, the heats of summer, 

VOL. II. 2^TS» 




[ 226 ) 

frosts of winter, have not damped their spirits' or 
stopped their career. There is a spring in their 
minds, to which weight gives energy. Their cause 
animates them with inextinguishable excitement. 
They are fighting for freedom, and are faUy^ per- 
suaded, that they must crush their enemies, to se« 
cure it. The business comes home to the heart. 
The public cause is every man's own cause : 

'* And each contends as his were all the war.'* 

What a temper is this ! that, move it any way, 

has the fteadiness of a cube ^press it any way, 

has the elasticity of air. 

If their perseverance waited twelve months for a 
single object^ impregnable Luxemburgb^ which they 
obtained : and again has waited nearly as long for 
another, almost unapproachable Mantua^ now pro- 
bably in their hands too, what will not they venture, 
what will not they suflFer, for the province of Mun* 
ster^ or the county of Cornv)allj either of them the 
first step to— 

Their enterprize is equal to their perseverance. 
What other nation ever formed, and so far executed, 
a plan for the excision of a vast maritime commerce, 
scarcely vulnerable on water, by conquering round 
the coasts of the seas on which it is managed. 



( S27 ^ 

In shorty there is no other stop to their efforl 
than the entire accomplishment of their desig: 
: for they 

««Think nothing d^n^, while aught remains to do 



FABIUS. 



( 228 ) 



LETTER XL 



O OME years, some little years ago, there Were 
such things as gratitude zxiA friendship between 
nations, believed in by the people of these states, 
and with a fervor of conviction, in ardor and assur- 
ance inferior only to a good man's religious £eu&, 
or they were all liars. 

They were not liars. They uttered what they 
thought. Their tongues were the interpreters of 
their souls. He who never erred has told us, that 
**of the abundance of the heart the mouth speak- 
eth," and surely there was an '* ahundance^^ fw 
our mouths to speak from. 

How uncertain, at least how remote, must have 
been the issue of our war with Great-Britain""'— 
what an accumulation of distresses upon those we 
were enduring, must we have suffered, if it had 
not been for the aids we received from France ? 
Let us endeavour as well as we can, to recoUect 
what we have seen, heard, and felt, and to convey 
our experience to our children. 



( ^9 ) 

How did the nation most solemnly express their 
sentiments by their representatives in congress I -. 

^^ The treaties between hii^ most Christian ma- 
jesty and the United States of America^ so fiiUy 
demonstrate his wisdom and magnanimity, as to 
command the reverence of all nations. The vir- 
•tUQUs citizens oi America can ne'oer forget his be- 
neficent attention to their violated rights, nor cease 
to acknowledge the band of a gracious Providence^ 
•in raising them up so powerful and illustrious a 

VRI£NX). 

** This assembly are convinced that had 

it rested solely with the most Christian king, not 
only the independence of these states would have 
been universally acknowledged, but their tranquil-' 

Jity.^iHy established" ** We ardently wish to 

sheathe the sword, and spare the further effusion 

ofblood^^ Congress have reason to believe, that 

the assistance so wisely and generously sent nvill 
bring Great-Britain to a sense of justice and mo- 
deration, promote the interests of France and Ame- 
rica^ ViXiA secure peace and tranquillity^ on the most 
firm and honourable foundation. Neither can it 
doubted, that those who administer the powers of 
government, within the several states of this union, 
will cement that connection voitb the subjects of 



( 230 ) 

France^ tlie beneficent effects of which have already. ' 
been so sensibly felt.* 

" You have conducted the great military contest 
with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the 
rights of the civil power through all disasters and 
changes ; you have by the love and confidence of 
your fellow-citizens, enabled them to display their, 
martial genius, and transmit their fame to posteri- 
ty : you have persevered till these United States^, 
AIDED BY A MAGNANIMOUS KING AND 
NATION, have been enabled, UNDER A JUST 
PROVIDENCE, to close the war in freedom^ 
safety y and independence. \ 

"If other motives than that of justice cou}d be' 
requisite on this occasipn, NO NATION COULD, 
EVER FEEL STRONGER; for to whom , tut 
the debts to be paid ? 

" To AN ALLY, in the first place, who to THE 
EXERTION OF HIS ARMS in support of our 
cause, has added THE SUCCOURS OF HIS. 
TREASURES, who to his IMPORTANT 
LOANS has added LIBERAL DONATIONS; 

• Journals of congress, Au^st 6th, 1778. 
f Journals of congress, Dec, a3d, 1783. 



( 231 ) 

and vibose loans tbemsehes carry the impression oj 
bis magnanimity " and FRIENDSHIP.'*— 

" If justice, good faith, honour, gratitude^ and 
all the other qualities which ennoble tbe character 
of a nation^ and fulfil the ends of government, be 
the fruits of our establishments, the cause of liberty 
will acquire a dignity and lustre which it has never 
yet enjoyed ; and an example will be set which can- 
not but have the most favourable influence on the 
rights of mankind. If, on the other side, our go- 
vernment should be UNFORTUNATELY blot- 
ted with the reverse of these cardinal and essentia 
al VIRTUES, the great cause which we have en- 
gaged to vindicate wf// be dishonored and betray- 
ed; the last ^nd fairest experiment IN FAVOR 
OF THE RIGHTS OF HUMAN NATURt, 
v)ill be turned against them^ and their patrons and 
friends^ exposed to be insulted and silenced by 
tbe 'votaries of tyranny and usurpationJ^^* 

How base spirited, how contemptible must our 
representatives in congress have been, had they not 
expressed such sentiments with respect to the 
French nation^ and their chief magistrate ^ as they 
did? 



* Journals of congress, April i>6th, X7S3. 



( 232 ) 

They knew^ that his conduct towards us dese'rv- 
ed " the reverence of all nations ^^'^ their well cho- 
sen phrase ; for the sincerity, good-nature, liberali- 
ty, generosity, and magnanimity therein displayed,' 
stand, I believe, unequalled in any instance of ne- 
gociation, which the ample repositories of diploma- 
tic literature can furnish. 

Truth has been cunningly disguised by a la- 
boured compilation, % intended to deceive and irri- 
tate the citizens. of these states, as if a meritorious 
vigilance had been happily exerted to explore in a' 
number of political transactions, the base and art- 
ful motives that lay lurking, under a pretended 
friendship on his part towards these states. 

The real fact is, that at the very beginning of 
our acquaintance with him, which he so diligently 
cultivated till it ripened into a friendship bearing a 
profusion of the richest fruits, he came forward 
boldly, like an HONEST MAN, and TOLD pS 
PLAINLY, that the interest of France ^ as well as 
of these states, induced him to enter into an allUfice 
with us. 

•* On the 16th day of December, 1777, the com- 
missioners of congress were informed by Mr. Gi' 

f It is diftrcsuDg to recollect, by what hand that compOatxon was made* 



( 233 ) 

rard^ one of the secretaries of the king's council of 
state, that it was decided to acknowledge the inde- 
pendence oitbe United States^ and to make a treaty 
with them. That^in the treaty no advantage would 
be taken of their situation to obtain terms which 
otherwise, it would not be convenient for them to 
agree to. That his most christian majesty desired 
the treaty once made should be durable^ and 
THEIR AMITY TO CONTINUE FOR EVER, 
which could not be expected if each nation did 
notjindan interest in its continuance^ as well as in 
its commencement. It was therefore intended, that 
the terms of the treaty should be such as the new 
formed states would be willing to agree to if they 
had been long since established, and in the fulness 
of strength and power ; and such as they should ap- 
prove of when that time should come. That his 
most christian majesty was fixed in his determina- 
tion not only to acknowledge^ but to support their 
independence. That in doing this he might probably 
soon be engaged in a war, yet he should not ex- 
pect ANY COMPENSATION from the United States 
on that account. NOR WAS IT PRETENDED 
THAT HE ACTED WHOLLY FOR THEIR 
BAKES ; since besides his real good will to them, 
IT WAS MANIFESTLY THE INTEREST 
OF FRANCE, that the power of England should 
be diminished by the separation of the colonies 
VOL. II. 2 F 



( 234 ) 

from its government. That the only condition he 
should require and rely on would be, that the Uniu 
ed States in no peaee to be made« should give up 
their independence^ and return to the obedience of 
the British government."* 

On the thirtieth Aacy oi January^ 1778, the king 
appointed and commissioned the sieur Girard his 
plenipotentiary, and on the sixth day of the next 
month, the treaties of alliance and of amity and 
commerce were signed. 

On the sixth day of August^ 1778, the sieur Gi- 
rard wvl^ introduced to an audience and delivered to 
the president of Congress a letter from his most 
christian majesty, directed, 

"To our very dear great friends and allies, the 
president and members of the general congress of 

the United States of North America : 

" Very dear friends and great allies : the trea- 
ties which we have signed with you, in consequence 
of the proposals your commissioners made to us in 

* The history of the American revohtion, toL H. page 63, hy lUM Sm- 
say, M, D, the JPofyiitu of Amer'tM. 

Of the different accounts <* we have seen of the ori^n and progre» of the 
American revolution, Br. Ramsay's bids fair to be transmitted to poaterity» 
with he strongest recommendations.*' New Ann. Reg. !%• ajjh 



( 235 ) 

your behalf y are a certain assurance of our affection 

for the United States in general, and for each of 

them in particular, as well as the interest v)e take 

and constantly shall take in their happiness and 

prosperity. It is to convince you more particularly 

of this, that we have nominated the sieur Girard^ 

secretary of our council of state, to reside among 

you in quality of minister plenipotentiary. He is 

the better acquainted with our sentiments towards 

you, and the more capable of testifying the same to 

you, as he was entrusted on our part to negociatc 

with your commissioners, and signed with them the 

treaties which cement our union. I pray you will 

give all credit to all he shall communicate to you 

from us, more especially when he shall assure you 

of our affection and constant friendship for you. 

We pray GOD, very dear great friends, to have 

you in his holy keeping. 

Your good friend ancj ally, 

LOUIS- 

rersailles, the 28th of March, 1778. 
Gravier de Fergennes.^^ 

Thb minister was then announced to the house : 
whereupon he rose and addressed congress in a 
speech, which when he had finished, his secretary 
delivered in writing to the president, and is as fol- 
lows : 



( 236 ) 

" Gentlemen^ 

"The connection formed by the king my mas* ' 
ter, with the Untied States of America^ is so agree* 
able to him, that he could no longer delay sending 
me to reside among you, for the purpose of cement- 
ing it. It will give his majesty great satisfactioD 
to learn, that iht sentiments wJbicb have shone forth 
on this occasion^ justify that confidence with which 
he hath been inspired by the zeal and character of 
the commissioners of the United States in France^ 
the wisdom and fortitude which have directed the 
resolutions of congress, and the courage and per- 
severance of the people they represent ; a confidence 
which you know, gentlemen, has been the basis of 
that amicable and truly disinterested system^ on 
which he had treated with the United States. 



" It is not his majesty's fault, that the engage- 
ments he hath entered into did not establish your 
independence and repose^ without the further effu- 
sion of blood, and without aggravating the calami- 
ties of mankind, whose happiness it is his highest 
ambition to promote and secure, but since the hos- 
tile measures and designs of the common enemy i 
have given to engagements, purely eventual, aa ! 
immediate, positive, permanent, and indissoluble 
force, it is the opinion of the king my master, that 
the allies should turn their whole attention to ful* 



( 237 ) 

fil those engagements in the manner most useful to 
the common cause, and best calculated to obtain 
that peace which is the object of the alliance. It 
is upon this principle, gentlemen, that his majesty 
has hastened to send y on. ^ powerful assistance^ 
which you owe only to his firiendship, to the sin- 
cere regard he has for every thing which relates to 
the advantage of the United States and the desire 
of contributing with rfjicacy to establish your 
repose and prosperity upon an honorable and solid 
foundation : and further, it is his expectation, that 
the principles which may be adopted by the re- 
spective governments will tend to strengthen those 
bonds of union, which have originated in the mu- 
Xual interest of the two nations. The principal 
object of my instructions is, to cement the interests 
of France with those of the United States. 

** I FLATTER mysclf, gentlemen, that my past con- 
duct in the affairs which concern them, hath already 
convinced you of the determination I feel, to endea- 
vour to obey my instructions in such manner, as to 
deserve the confidence of congress, the friendship 
of its members, and the esteem of the citizens of 
jimerica.^' 

(Signed) 

GIRAtlD. 



( 238 ) 

To wbicJb the President returned the following 
answer : 

Sir, 

The treaties between his most christian majesty 
and the United States of America, so fully demon- 
strate his wisdom and magnanimity, as to command 
the reverence of all nations. The virtuous citizens 
of America in particular, can never forget his be- 
neficent attention to their violated rights, nor cease 
to acknowledge the hand of a. gracious provi- 
dence in raising them up so powerful and illustri- 
ous A FRIEND. It is the hope and opinion of con- 
gress, that the confidence his majesty reposes in 
the firmness of these states, will receive additional 
strength from every day's experience. 

This assembly are convinced, sir, that had it 
rested solely with the most christian king, not only 
the independence of these states would have been 
universally acknowledged, but their tranquillity 
established. We lament that lust of domination 
which gave birth to the present war, and hath pro- 
longed and extended the miseries of mankind. W.c 
ardently wish to sheathe the sword, and spare the 
further effusion of human blood; but we are deter- 
mined by every means in our power, to fulfil those 
eventual . engagements which have acquired posi- 



( 239 ) 

tive and permanent force from the hostile designs 
and measures of the common enemy. 

Congress have reason to believe^ that the assist- 
ance so wisely and generously sent will bring 
Great-Britain to a sense of justice and moderation^ 
promote the interests of France and America^ and 
secure peace and tranquillity on the most firm and 
honorable foundations. Neither can it be doubt* 
ed that those who administer the powers of govern:, 
ment, within the several states of this union, will 
cement that connection with the subjects of France^ 
the beneficial effects of V}bich have been already so 
essentially felt. 

Sir, 

From the experience we have had of your exer- 
tions to promote the true interests of our country 
as well as your own^ it is with the highest satisfac- 
tion congress receives as the first minister from his 
most christian majesty, a gentleman whose past 
conduct affords a happy presage, that he merits 
the confidence of this body, the friendship of its 
members, and the esteem of the citizens of Ame- 
rica. 



FABIUS. 



( 240 ) 



LETTER XII. ' 

V 

Frenchmen fought, blcd, and died for us. ,, 

*' So they did," it is said, " but their monardi . 
bade them fight, bleed, and die for us, and they 
were obliged to do so, and all our gratitude and 
friendship, if there was any gratitude or friendship 
in the case, was due to him alone." 

Generous distinction ! We are to have no con- 
sideration whatever for those men, nor for their 
posterity, nor for their country, because they per- 
formed what they thought to be their duty, and 
what we felt and still feel to be our happiness. 

How far was our gratitude or friendship to carry 
us ? Did it extend to the heirs of the king ? " Yes, 
if there was any due to him ; because he was our 
benefactor." Futile evasion ! itoo pretending, to 
have any honest meaning ! Why not then to bis 
people ? Ought they not to have been as dear to 
him^ ought they not to be as dear to us as his chil- 
dren ? He was a Frenchman and under the 

supreme sovereignty of infinite goodness, wisdom, 



( 241 ) 

power, in his transactions with us, the consti- 
monal agent for and representative of all the peo- 
ple of France. Jie was known to us, he was con- 
witb us^ as the ruler of that people^ not as 
t father of children. What was he without them ? 
Iiey gave him his power, his abilities and inclinar 
to aid us, nvere all French. His abilities, it 
I evident to the hastiest observation, were so. His 
fjbdinations too, were all French ; not merely as 
the inclinations of an individual or part of that 
nation : but, because they arose from that combi- 
ftiatidn of circumstances, that actuating complexity 
of dbioughts, manners, customs, and state of things, 
nrhose social operation pervaded the nation, and in 
irhich he by the laws of nature partook. 

His counsellors were Frenchmen. Those who 
were continually about him, were Frenchmen. He 
was riot a solitary being estranged from all the in- 
fluences of such a situation. No ! We have had 
aSeMihg proofs, that he was a man of sensibility, 
sound sense, and much useful information.^ 



* VofaimeshaTe been written to stigmatize the character of the late king and 
^Mcn of Fraoce.*~The charges, tho' formally made, ha^e not been proved : 
and Men we coniidcr, with what art, and with what designs so many scandal- 
ons reports were propagated against Lmti4 the XVI. and his consort— —and 
who were the persons most industrious, and most interested as they supposed, 
in the eflEects expected to be derived from the unpopularity of the king and 

VOL. II. 2 G 



( 242 ) 

The French loved liberty, when they did ikli 
enjoy it. They never forgot, that their ancestofi 
were free, and were cheated out of their freedom : 
or that their very name f attested their imprescri^ 
tible rights. Unhappy Louis ! to perish at thci( 
renovation. 

A 

We cannot recal him from the impa {Table bourn 
of his abode, to rejoice with his country in thdr 
prosperity, or to render us any further kindnesses^ 
but, supposing him living, dethroned, and peridi 
ted to address these states, have we not reaton ^ 
believe, that something like this would be his la£i 
guage ? 

" Very dear great friends ^ 

In the course of events, over which Divine jPrp- 
vidence presides, I no longer govern the French* 
The sovereignty is exercised immediately by then^ 
selves. The form of government is changed. . 3^ 



cpeen, there is no reason for our believing, that a rtxfctit for tnitli hit kcl 
regarded in these reproaches. -'j 

t ^ JLoms the tenth and his brother PbiKp issued ordonancet, dedaring^f jQ 
and ijlS-^-that ^^attmen voere By nature free hrn^ 'and as their kiogMa liil 
called the kingdom of Franis^ they determined it should be lo in rmBty^ winl 
as in name.** 

R0Bi&T80N*f CbmrkttS^S^ 



( 243 ) 

mation is the same. They are the people ybr vibose 
penefit as I candidly informed you, I entered into 
"treaties with you, of alliance, and of amity and com- 
'xnerce. A pursuit of their happiness justified me 
;:|o myself, in exposing them to the evils of war, and 

left me at liberty to gratify " my real good will** 

to you. 

t 

: I was persuaded, that our united efforts would 

firing the war to such a termination, as would com- 

. pensate for its evils, and that a perfect amity be- 

^iween the two allied nations, would be productive 

^ of distingruished blessings to both of them. 

We succeeded. 

If you think, that the assistance you received 
' irota France J enabled you to close the V)ar on an bo* 
■ ^norakle and firm foundation^ in freedom^ safety^ 
^'xtnd independence j^^^ and if on that account you 
Vegard me with sentiments of gratitude Sind friend'* 
sbipj as I am convinced by your warm and repeat- 
ed declarations you do, I cannot doubt your com** 
pliance with the last request I shall ever make to 
you, dictated as it is in a great degree, by my un- 
abated esteem for you, an inclination of which the 



t ExpresuoDs uied by congretf. 



( 244 ) 

indulgence' has always brought me the sinceresl 
pleasure. 

My request is, that you may wholly transfer 
from me a citizen of France to that people viU 
empoviered me to render yoil essential services, all 
the sentiments of gratitude and friendship which 
you feel for me. Those sentiments have been at- 
tached to my person, by the station I held from 
them, a station at the most according to the laws of 
nature but of short duration, by their distreaaes^ 
by their treasures, and by their blood. Place the 
sentiments where t bey are most justly due. . Ifrj^OD 
love me, love those whom I love, and for whose 
** sake^^ I first loved you. That will be the best 
evidence you can give of your affection for me. 

As weighty considerations as prompted the 
alliance, recommend its continuance. ' It is M mt<» 
nifest to me now, as it was at the beginning of our 
correspondence, that the reciprocation of boiefita 
will be incomputable, increasing, and never can be 
obstructed, unless one party should seek to advttitc 
itself at the expence of the other, which is adtilo 
be expected." 

. ■ 'j ■• 

If these were the sentiments of this good prince 
towards the conclusion of his life, how much was 
he deceived ? 



( 245 ) 

It was his doom to live, not only in an age of 
revolutions in government, but also of revolutions 
in morality. 

' ScAacELY was his head laid low in the dust, 
probably in consequence of our liberty being es- 
tablished,, scarcely were those lips closed in eter- 
nal silence, which never spoke to us but in the lan- 
guage of benediction, scarcely was that existence, 
to which, after virtue and piety f fair fame was 
dearest, dissolved, and disabled to vindicate an 
aspersed reputation, than a severe scrutiny 
.-was made into his unsceptered merits, and it was 

discovered by Americans yes by Ame- 

riraw-^— that be himself yjz!& not intitled to our 
gratitude or friendship, but was a selfish unprinci- 
pled villain. 

MircH injured Loms ! 

The charges of thy accusers undesignedly erect 
a lasting monument to thy glory. They have prov- 
ed thee guilty < * of sincerely loving thy people. 
Thy feet were led into unbeaten, unexplored 
tracts of policy, and thou hadst not been accustom- 
ed to its intricate mazes. Impelled by thy bene- 
volence towards us, a young, innocent, oppressed, 

f Sec MaUsherhe% narrative. 



(246 ) 

and unexperienced people, struggling in blood, 
and hardly able to struggle, though the prize was 
no less than PEACE, LIBERTY AND SAFE< 
TY, against the then most formidable nation in 
the world, and by thy tender affection for France 
recently weakened by deep wounds received from 
the same enemy, thou formedst the kind and gencr 
rous resolution to help us AT OUR UTMOST 
NEED, though the execution of thy noble desigo 
would exhibit to mankind, the surprising spectacle 

of a republic fostered by a monarchy^ aod 

in a portion of the globe far remote from thy king- 
dom and in the neighbourhood of thy most va- 

hiable foreign dominions and thou didst help 

US " effectually'^'* till every man among us " from 
one end of our land to the other, and from one side 
of our land to the other," ''DWELT CONFI- 
DENTLY,'* with his family, " under his vine 
and under his fruit tree," and ALLIED with thee 
and thy people, there was " NONE TO MAKE 
US AFRAID." 

But, in directing the course of thy exertions 
through an unknown wilderness, dangers might 
start up on every side. Thy accusers have con- 
victed thee, of being more anxious for the welfare 
of thy people, than for that of stranger s y et 
heaven and earth are witnesses that to thee, to thcc, 



( ^47 ) 

under ** a gracious Providence wbicb raised thee 
up to be our friend^^^X ** ^^ ^^^ people of the 
United States*^ stand indebted for the best of bles- 
sings liberty. '"> \r . '"^ 

•• Manibus date Lilia iflenis v^- 
** Purpureos spargam/sfores, animamque" Amici 
** His saltern adcumulem donis, et fungar inani 
•* Munere 

Bring LILIES— LILIES in whole handfuls bring 
With all the purple fragrance of the spring ; 
These unavailing gifts let me bestow : 
•Tis all I can — on thy dear shade below. 



FABIUS. 



\ Words of congress. 



( 248 ) 



LETTER XIII. 



It is asserted among us, that no gratitude i^ 
due to men, and there is no friendship in them foe 
us, if in their conduct towards us however kindzvA- 
beneficial^ they are influenced by a regard for their 
own interests. - ' "- 

This proposition demands our attention, especb-: 
ally as it is industriously propagated, in order to 
produce a revulsion of the public sentiment from 
particular objects, which we have been accustomed ' 
to view in another light, and that revulsion is 
intended to bring on consequences, in which the .^ 
welfare of these states must be deeply concerned. 

In the constitution which our Maker has assigned - 
toman, two dispositions are observable; love of. 
self and social affection. They are compatible! ■ 
innocently, virtuously, advantageously, compati- 
ble, or they would not have been " joined toge-,, 
ther/' Their union is the means to good ends. 

It is not necessary here to controvert the opinion 
of a celebrated author, that nb ideas are innate, 



( 249 ) 

though he argues with a weakness exceedingly sur- 
prising in so great a man, when he embarrasses 
questions respecting h general faculty by deducti* 
oas from particular incapacities.^ 

It is sufficient if there are natural propensities\ 
in fnan to good. These may perhaps not impro- 
pctrly be called tbe seeds of good. Seeds are the 
mysterious origins of congenial growths. They 
are innate energies, prepared for bringing into ex« 
istence^ productions correspondent to laws estab- 
lished by the divine. will. But as the s6eds of ve- 
getablei^, require sunslUB€) air, rain, and cultiva- 



*/The famous Grecian philosopher w«s more tccnrtte whea he dtsdngmshed 
between the qualities of eapachy and compUtim, 

As rdferf ing to the human mind, Capacity is the JftfnJSfjr of reatunhg^ and evikpte' 
Urn k the«# •fffMmag* 

It has not been thought requisite to pursue the elaborate investigation of 
tlMMe who contend, that Hif4mft and social mgett'wn are not implanted in our na« 
feiite» bat are gradoally ibnned in as by commnnifrion with others, since it is 
evident that men are so made and so placed in creation, that these dispositions 
by the operation of fixed laws necessarily and naturally grow up from their 
make and sittiiatioo. 

For even upon this hypothesb, it is manifestly the good pleasure of our Ore- 
«or, that these salutary and beneficial dispositions &ould exist in his creatorea 
cf nankhid* ^ 

f L9cke\ essay on human understanding. Book I. chap. iii. sec. %» X9* 
chap. IT. sec. ii. 

VOL. II,. 2 H 



( 250 ) 

tion, to bring them to the perfection of which they 
are capable, so the seeds in the mind require, if the 
expression is allowable, sunshine, air, rain, and 
cultivation, suitable for bringing them to the per- 
fection of which they are capable. Thus it is as 
to reason^ an undisputed faculty of human nature, 
though all individuals do not partake of it ; and in 
those who do, what gradations ! from sl Tongutsian^ 
scraping his scanty utensils and worshipping fe- 
tiches made of shreds, to a Newton^ weig^ng Ac 
planets, explaining the principles by which the 
material universe is sustained, and the motion (oi^ 
its ponderous orbs throughout their vast voyages 
determined, and proving the existence of Deity^ 
from the wonders of his works.* 

How feeble the outset of reason, how diversified 
its progress, how almost boundless its advance-' 
ment ! Winged by diligence and hope, it springs 
from earth, awhile surveys its precious objects, 
then soars to the utmost verge of our system, there 
summs its powers, aspires into space, bends i^ 
course among innumerable suns and worlds, dis- 
cerns immensity y breathes of eternity^ and stniqk. 
into the deepest humility, prostrates itself before 
the footstool of HIS throne to whom they both be- 
long. 

* Letters from ur I*aae Newtm Xadr. BmUtjf* 



( 251 ) 

This globe of ours therefore is a speck in crea- 
tion. Sei/is a sped upon this globe. 

The well-disposed mind rises through the sen- 
sibilities t of kindred,, to those of friendship, neigh- 
bourhood, acquaintance^ and country, all of them 

f Frroate and pMc affections are to resembling, that their origin appears U 
be the same. 

AivaU afibctions are tmreti rfhappinuu Onr own feelings conTince us of 
this delightful truth. The enjoyment teaches us, to estimate and venerate the 
Bke happiness in otbertt and to desire its increase. The heart is softened, im- 
prored, and expanded by this exercise. Umwrtal Betuvolemee seems to grow na- 
turally from such sensations. > Mutual wants and mutual dependences, tend to 
strengthen these sensations. 

We know not the extent or duration of the happiness we may produce, by 
«ne act of kindness to a fellow-creature; neither can we compute the misery 
we may cause by a single injury. How much ought we to dread the slightest 

deviation from our Saviour*^ unequalled rule ** As ye would tbmt wun should 

it iis jffv» dtyealst to tbem liJkewise^** It is scarcely to be imagined, what benefits 
may be procured for society by an individual in whose mind purity of inten- 
tion and ardent zeal to do good are united. 

Frhmie affedioiu VQXj generate universal lenevolaue, and universal benevolence 
may advance the happiness derived from private affections ; but, certainly is 
■ever in opposition to them. It is a kindred affection of the great family of love. 

The precepts of the Christian religion relating to social virtues, are continually 
employed in the elucidation, establishment, recommendation, and enforcement 

of THIS MOST IMPORTANT TRUTH. 

FUtto^ esteemed one of the wisest of the heathen philosophers, on Ihe con- 
trary, in order to produce general affections, deemed it necessary utterly to ex- 
tingubh private affections. His project of bringing up children at the public 
expence, and never permitting them to know their nearest relations, would have 
been an educatioo of rnxmirs to thi human racc. 



- ( 252 ) 

related, luminous, and delightful. Untir^ and uiir 
satisfied it travels on. Other associations still va- 
riously recommended^ present themselves. ■ Some- 
thing is yet wanting : it proceeds. It approaches 
its designated dignity, and at length recognizes its 
relation to mankind^ througli sl common- parent ot 
infinite perfections, who beholds them all with im- 
partial love. The mind can seek no more. Filled 
with truth, it adores the goodness that designed 
this system of affectionSy and hastens to perftnn 
the parts allotted to it in the arrangement. 

In our attention to this plan, we may perceive, 
that earthly things move on heavenly principles. 
Virtue essentially and in its nature ha$ a tendency 
to produce happiness : vice on the contrary, €ssen- 
tially and in its nature^ has a tendency to produce 
misery. It follows, that all virtue is wisdom, all 
Tice is folly, and consequently, that a virtuous life 
is the natural state of man. 

There is therefore in the divine gifts no hosti- 
lity to good. Evil proceeds from the neglect or 

r » 

It deserres observation, that so strong is the pntpenstty of mankind cewardi 
tocitd aJfealoHSy that they eminently prevail among nations, wfaote fonn of g^ 
vemment or cultivation of their intellectual faculties affords these affiBclioiii» 
but an exceedingly feeble if any aid at all. They surely are rays of the origin* 
al constitution framed by divine wisdom and goodness, that uBextingniihedbj 
the calamities of their state in other respects, still illumine and cheer even the 
glooms cf savage life.— —Love appears to be the band of f&r ntimMJwtM 



( 253 } 

abuse of them. How the neglect or abuse of them 
in some cases is to be accounted for, is a point not 
pertinentto the present discussion, {q) Any sincere 
inquirer aibcr tmth may find sufficient reasons^ 

** To justify tibe ways of God to man.'* . 

NziTHSR is there any discordance between the 
' divine gifts. But, if men will neglect or abuse 
them, or if they will attempt with a false philoso- 
phy to set them at variance, they must gather such 
fruits as such a culture of their reason yields them. 

Thehi is a harmony then in the several disposi- 
tions which our Creator has given to our nature, and 
our happiness arises from the combination of these 
varieties. Each may be indulged not only inno- 
tently, but meritoriously. Man is born for himself. 
It is not only his right, but his duty to pursue his 
own happiness. Right involves duty. He grossly 
errs, if he supposes he can obtain it, by disregard- 
ing the happiness of others. Self love^ and social 
are as intimately united as colours in a ray of light. 
The ray without one of them would be imperfect. 
The due regulation of the affections is the perfec- 
tion of man's character. He may not at once attain 

* Self-love and 8elfi«hiieti arc very different. Self-love hat iu laws. Self- 
iihnesshasnone* 



( 254 ) 

it; but he may, if he will. By faithful attenti<xi, 
inferior considerations will Ipe made to give way to 
superior ; and if he is not a phlegmatic splitter, of 
a thought or a cold dissector of a sensation,* love 
for himself and others will be so blended in his 
mind, that he will not wish to separate them, and 
perhaps cannot. When the edifice of moral im- 
provement is thus far completed, the man becomes 
as different from some others, if not from what he 
himself once was, as the best houses among us arc 
from the bark-built huts of our poor Indiatis. 

We have bodies and minds. Our rights and- 
duties, desires and aversions, affections and passi- 
ons are all true to us^ if we will but be true to them. 
Pleasures and pains are held out to us in this life 
by the constitution of our nature, as motives to right 
behaviour. Rewards and punishments in another 
life, are also held out to us expressly by Divine au- 
thority, for the same purpose. Here is a double pro- 
vision addressed to our self4ove. For what ? To 



• The word " sensation** is here used in Montesquieu i sense. •* Virtue m a 
rqpublic is a most simple thing; it is a love for the republic ; it is a sensatimit and 
not a consequence of acquired knowledge ; a sensation that may be fek hf the 
meanest as well as by the highest person in the state.*' 

The love oi friends and benefactors is a sensation^ It is a law of sature. H h 
a commandment from heaven.** 

The cold dissector of a sensation, is of another opinion. 



( 255 ) 

« 

direct us to virtue and happiness* Was there any 
wisdom or goodness in these directions ? Surely. 
Are we blameable for being guided by them ? cer- 
tainly not. If respected as they ought to be, they 
will gradually form in us a temper of the highest 
value and brightest lustre. 

We read of our blessed Saviour in the scrip- 
tures, that ^^ for the joy that haslet before bim^ 
he endured the cross," Dare we deny, that there 
was merit in his sufferings, because he expected to 
be rewarded ? Or dare we deny, that he was our 
"/rrV^rf," and that we are under obligations to him 
for them ? 

Where will this " nev) doctrine^^ concerning 
gratitude and friendship carry us ?* 

^Tis true, that individuals and nations attend to 
their own interestis, and so they ought to do : but 
it is as true, that they cannot wisely and effectually 
attend to them, unless they attend also to those of 
others. t Human excellence and happiness depend 

* See the late pablications againtt the Fnneh* 

f The best estahlishment for promoting permanent tranquillity, with all the 
blessings of peaceful intercourse, would be a generwt polity receiving a real 
pleasure from the prosperity of others 



( 256 ) 

on the union of the two dispositions. Whjr should 
maxims be introduced among us, a young pec^le, 
to shake this salutary truth ? Why should argu- 
ments be calculated for checking, and even extir^ 
pating from our hearts, those very propensities 

which our Maker has planted there benignant 

and noble propensities without the cultivation 

of which the world never can reap that harvest of 
peace and felicity, which it is destined to enjoy. 

It is astonishing, that persons who seem to have 
a respect for religion, and therefore may be pre- 
sumed to have a detestation for the thesea of some 
metaphysical balloonersy should seriously adopt one 
of the worst articles in their dreary and chaotic 

creed, which is that " men are {^vemed by a 

sordid motive, if they are influenced by a regard te 
their own interests :'' for, what is the inference 
immediately drawn from the admission of this /^m- 

ma ? This " That the Christian religion, in 

proposing such a motive^ is nothing more than a 



Bufpe haft been for atxrat two centuries deeply injured hf a selfish, 
polixing/f «4ir0 rf 



The rapacity , the meanAess and the foUj, that betrayed themselTCs m Em^ 
merchants and manufacturers, before our rerolutionary war, and which with 
such £uitity acijuired the national sanction of statutes, were suapki of the eovy 
and baseness that seeking to gain wealth by impoverishing innocence and in* 
du&try, have distrscted the public repose, and caused streams of blood to 
CYery quarter of the globe. bee mUa tt Oe F^rma^* UUtru 



( 257 ) 

Vile contrivance to excite the fears of men, and tlien 
tQTuIe over them by managing their fears." 

This abhorring imitation is a strange jumble ; 
an unlucky attempt to reconcile a true religion and 
a £Use policy. 

.According to these unfortunately discovered- 
pandects^ all the intercourses of life afe tobe ob- 
structed and embittered, because Gon has made 
msn to love. themselves. 

*^ Tax£ care of the pernicious disposition/* 

say the learned expounders beware of the wolf 

covered with a lamb's fleece. All individuals and 
nations, regard their own interests. Terrible truth ! 
Sii^eotthem. As to. some particulars^ bravely 
shew^ that you suspect them more than you do 
their enemies. ^^ This conduct may bring on ali-: 
eiuittion." No matter. ^^ It may even bring on 
something worse." Mind not that. JFe never can 
mistake. Why should you be so unreasonable, as 
to trouble yourselves about your own salvation ? 
None but the enemies of " order and good govern'^ 
ment^^'^ of " morality and religion^"* can be so 
headstroii^. Avoid those partizans of confusion : 
those political enthusiasts^ who are always dream- 
ing of a heaven of liberty, when they ought to be 

VOL. II. 21 J .. , , , 



\ 



( 258 ) 

working upon the world for wealth. Abominate 
the disorganizers. Confide in our cool-blooded re- 
gularity. Our conduct is consummate policy; 
and if you perish^ you may have the satisfaction of 
knowing, that you perish, ^'^ secundum or tern: and 
what an Euthanasia must that be f '' 

I don't like this *' new doctrine.^^ I think wc 
had a better before. I am contented with the vo- 
lume of nature, the old testament and the new testa- 
ment. I want no more. These last contain ade- 
quate and unparalleled maxims for the conduct of 
private and public life. 

A MAN meets a stranger on business, who be- 
haves very well in it. An acquaintance commences. 
The stranger recommends himself more and more. 
An exchange of kind offices ensues. Gratitude 
and friendship succeed. Does not this seem very 
natural ? Is it not in perfect harmony with our be- 
nignant religion ? 

Nations are composed of human creatures; 
Gratitude and friends bip take place between them, 
in much the same manner as between individuals, 
tvitb this remarkable difference: the friendships 
between nations comprehend more valuable ob- 
jects, than thoae between individuals, such as nati- 
onal peace, prosperity^ liberty, and safety. The 



( 259- ) 

happiness of individuals is involved in these natl- 
(Mial blessings. Is it reasonable then to suppose, 
that the grander objects will have less influence 
liian smaller ; that is, that where the causes are 
grtater, the effects will be less ? Besides, there' 
may be a most powerful cement between nations, 
by a mutuality of benefits ; and this may be so con- 
stant, that the first excitement by attention to in- 
terest^ as in other operations of the human mind, 
will grow up to an attachment of a higher kind, 
" real goad V)iW^ towards one another. Who can 
deny this progression of the human mind ? Who 
can bear to disapprove it ? Who ought to discou- 
rage it ? This attachment will be more speedily, 
and more firmly established, where the products of 
each nation are variant and yet peculiarly suited to 
the other. Then the citizens of each are cheerfully 
employed at their respective homes, in useful and 
agreeable labours for themsehes and their ^^ friends 
and alUes.^^ This is a friendship founded on nature, 
promising a permanency as lasting as the distinc- 
tions between their soils and climates, and such as 
I am convinced the Author of nature intended to 
take place among nations, when in his infinite wis- 
dom he thought proper to ** separate the children 
of men." 

Far different is the case, when a nation ^^ ploughs 
\hz waves," traffics over the globe, depends upon 



( 260 ) 

commerce for her strength and consequence, and 
exercising all its arts, whatever they are, offers to 
us the collections made by her dexterity or vio- 
lence, that she may draw to herself the profits of 
our industry, and thus add to a power rendered by 
the spirit and means of its elevation, already suffi- 
ciently imperative. ^^ Such a nation,'^ as ii sagaci- 
ous observer of mankind has said, ** supremely jea- 
lous as to trade f binds herself but little by treaties.* 

The grants of such a nation, are manoeuvres for 
obtaining ten fold, and it is very well for the o^her 
party if it is not ten thousand fold in return. TJbere 
is no just reciprocity in their contracts. Thqy ex- 
change glass beads for gold dust and ivory. 

FABIUS. 



Mootes^eu. 



( fi61 ) 



LETTER XIV. 



Another most powerful cement between 

nations is ih^ resemblance of each other in 

" fwtiis of governtridnt ; more especially, if that re- 
semblance is founded on the same endearing prin- 
ciple of immediate derivation from the governed, 
that is, from the people of each nation respectively. 
Then man meets man with a reciprocation of the 
kindliest dispositions. It is private good will, ope- 
rating through the character of citizenship : it is 
affection strengthened by communion : it is the 

embrace of nations and if they have common 

sense or any love of liberty y this resemblance be- 
comes invested with irresistable authority, when it 
interestingly discriminates between tbem and mo^ 
narcbies of other great nations. This is exactly 
and definitely the case of France and these states ^ 
as contrasted with the rest of the world. 

lAPPEALto the feelings of every heart not stone- 
dead to nature, whether for tvjo persons or na- 
tions to be unjustly and mortally hated for 

THE SAME CAUSE by Others pov) erf ul in means 

for gratifying their hatred is not vl strong at- 



( 262 ) 

traction to union between those tv)0 persons or 
nations ? The proposition although political, as- 
sumes nearly the force of a mathematical demon- 
stration : and, are we to be diverted from taking 
this salutary intimation, inspired by nature herself 
for our preservation, this wholesome, strengthening 
nutriment, so suited to our constitutions, so cheap 
too, and so readily and so safely to be reached—— 
that we may feed upon ice-creams and syllabubs^ 
however delicately drugged or finely frothing from 
a dextrous hand ? 

» 
Republics have always had the high honor of 
being bated by monarchs^ tho' sometimes coaxed ky^ 
them J in order to be rendered subservient to their 
views : and they never were hated so much as they 
^e now.\ If France should not succeed in the pre- 



F f In the war of»ur revolution, almost all Europe favoured us. Great^Brkaim 
was thought toe powerful and too haughty. Every great nation wished her 
humiliation. Ovlr dittaac wooden commonwealth, when compared with tbair 
Itone-boilt pyramids of power, excited not the slightest apprchensiofu 

7T>e ease is now entirely changed. Since France has abolished regal government, and 
ha> erected herself into a republic^ there is not an emperor, king, or prince, but 
who detests repubtitanUm with an enmity never to be satiated bnt by its-Mn/ 
deftrtsetion. If they can execute their will, not a sucker, not the smallest twig 
of a root, from which the tree of liberty might grow up hereafter, wiU be left 
in the earth. The very soil will be dug up, and '* sifted as com is sifted m a 
neve," to discover and destroy all the seeds of happiness. 



( S263 ) 

sent contest, there is not an elective republic on 
earth, that would not be immediately annihilated. 



On the other hand, Great'Britaim has given such indisputable proofs of her 
ۤavern9it to the modern orthodoxy in ** religion and morality,'* that ahe b 
dearly a emfuxnr., and ahnoat a muHyr in its hdly crasad«. 

She has so fully manifested Yaexievtitim to the cause of despctitm and tfoHatioH^ 
that the crowned iyrmmts and rMtn now regard her as a hold, ttnrdy, and iv- 
tually-conjured accomplice, that may be defended tn with unlimitUDd confideiy^ 
for the execution of any project of profitable iniquity, provided she is admitte4 
to ashare. 

Let us now observe, how regularly the plan for extinguishing the light of 

liberty has been prosecuted. 

* • 

The United Provinces have by the arms of Greai^Briiain and Pruseia been for 
iome years declining into an arbitrary government. 

Republican Poland was stripped of one third of her provinces, by a conspiracy 
1>etween Ruesim^ Austria^ and Pruttia. 

No sooner did France only discover an inclination to be free, than all the great 
potentates roused up with their usual zeal at the lively call of tieir " religion 
and morality." 

With great cordiality it was resolved, that France, then in perfect peace witk 
all of them-— —and her king retgniog in full possession of his power— — thonld 
be severely lopped all round. The mutilated form was then to be lefit to Aei^ 
** dear brother and cousin.** 

The empress of aU the Russias as a faithful friend to ** humanity, and to the 
tranquillity and welfare of Europe j* invaded Poland, and in 1 794, the catastro- 
phe of Polub liberty doiedt in a partOim of the whole r^mblic between Muuia, 
Auitria, and Prussia* 

The further execution of the plan as it respected Franet, was in the mean 
time going on ; to end it was fondly hoped, as the horrid aggression against 
Poland had just done, in Msmtmierment and slavery 



( 264 ) 

Ours would be crushed at once -not under a 

limitted monarchy, such as we abrogated twenty 
years ago as intolerable, but under a despotism : 
for the question now trying ify combat^ is — —be- 
tween republicanism on one side, siad despotism 

on the other. Attend/ attend with all the 

energies of your souls, my dear countrymen, to this 
momentous truth. The dagger of assassination is 
at the breast of America ; and France alone holds 
back the hand that otherwise would strike it in— 
up to the bilt. (r) 

MoNARCHs, without ^x^fif^/it?/!, think republics 
reproachful to their government and dangerous to 
their authority. They abhor the principle on 
which they are founded ; and the cause of despo- 

^ tism has been much strengthened in this century, 
by the accessions that have been made to monar- 
chies very great before : a fact ^ worthy of our at- 

^ tention and remembrance. "^ 

Had this put of the plan tucceeded, nve sbmU have Um left ahae. Then all 
the tcsentmene tmd eiecratioiit of the triumphant tynmtt WMdd hate hcen d^ 
rected against os, as the origmai autbori of all the cakmitiei of JUrtft, What 
the cooscqaence wonld haTe been, he that runt may read. 

. Tkmii UmgnKimu Pnmidemee ! that oo the ^aintof MJgmm^ and the nkoua- . 
taint of /ta^, it haa been decided, that— -/"miMv and Amtrim ihall befree. 

'* The great potenutet of Eur^pt have hitely ditcofered each ample advan- 
tages in their attention *« to ^blie order and good guverttmeut'^'-'^XQ bomw 
their fayonrite expreisiont ■ hj joining ttgefhtr to roh and tttbjugate their 



( 26S ) 

The ancienfs used to compress a good deal of 
wisdom into short sentences. One of them was 
this——*' Idem velle, ac idem nolle, id demum 
amicitia Cst" — ^ — " To agree in liking things, 
and to agree in disliking things, that is friend* 
ship.'* 

Again I appeal to nature, to reason, and to ex- 
perience. Is it not a strong band ? 

Let us now attend to a comment upon it: not 
a comment, where truth is obscured by a cloud of 
word^, or is. so cut to pieces by subtle distinctions, 
that it is difEcult for persons who have not been 
used to such operations, to redintegrate it : but to 
a comment, which amounts to an exemplification 
so important and extensive, as to prove — what are 
the genuine affections of the human mind on such 
occasions. 

Ancient Greece was divided into a number of 
states. Athens and Sparta were the great rivals 



weaker neighbours, adding their territories one after another to their own, 
that a few years ago fil did not ee«lli likely, that any limits could be put to the 
mmutrous masses of despotic poiotr which they were continually rolling up. 
The republics of France and these states appear to be capable of becoming by 
their tinion'and wisdom, the Jirctictors of mankind, from the dangers impend- 
ing over their heads. 

VOL. II. 2 K 



( 266 ) 

for fame and power. Some of the other states 
were aristocratical ; and some of them democrati- 
cal. The government of Sparta was most favour- 
able to aristocracy : that of Athens to democracy. 
In taking part in the wars between Athens and 
Sparta^ the democratical states always sided with 
the former, and the aristocratical with the latter. 
So again, in controversies between the democrati- 
cal and aristocratical parties in the same state, the. 
other states were always inclined to one or the.other, 
in correspondence to the conformity of their prin- 
ciples respectively concerning those several forms 
of government. When I say always^ I mean, that 
these dispositions were so general, that there were 
no exceptions sufficient to weaken the statement. 
I do not remember any ; but I am bound to add-^ 
that I have some faint recollection there was one^ 
which was then thought very extraordinary. 

Greece, we find, was split into democratical and 
aristocratical parties. These were maintained with 
such animosity, that neither of them ever diseover- 
ed, that mildness and moderation are laws of our 
nature^ that is, of our Maker, which pever . \xvi% , 
been and never can be violated with impunity. Tp 
carry a point against their opponents WM Ui triumph 
in which the short-sighted victors gionlkl.^ One . 



( 267 ) 

point gained was a step to another. The weaker 
party, or, in modern language, the minority, en- 
raged by repeated injuries and insults« called in 
foreign aid, first the Persians, then the Macedo- 
niansy afid at last, the Romans. After innumer- 
able calamities, the democratical fury, and the aris- 
tocratical arrogance were melted down together, into 
one miserable mass of common slavery. Then at 
last, when blotted in blood from the catalogue of 
nations^ and reduced to provinces^ they were quiet. 

Thus also there was a constant and at length an 
inveterate controversy between the aristocratical 
and the democratical parties of ancient Rome. Im- 
potent of temper and blind to consequences, they 
persecuted each other till they were altogether, by 
their own fatal activity, consigned to the iron do- 
mination of as detestable miscreants as ever bore 
the shape of man. 

What is the lesson which these examples hold 
out to us and to our allies, for both of us have par- 
ties resembling those that have been mentioned. 
If my weakness interprets rightly, it is this — that 
each party should treat the other with justness and 
kindness, as becomes brethren, ^^ forbearing one 
another in love,'^ and only, according to the apos- 
tle's uncommon and forcible expression, ^^provok- 



( 5268 ) 

in^ to good works." Jlbdve all things^ each parx 
ty is to refrain from such-measures, as will inevitaJ 
bly tend to irritation. 

The danger to republics from monarchies, aiid 
the connection to which republics are invited by tbe 
nature of things^ have been noticed. 'France is Sife 
at all events. She is fighting /<7r us as well Hs'fbt 
herself, and we shall be safe too, if we ** KtiiD(W the 
things that belong unto our peace,'* and *' ensue'* 
them : and it is to be hoped, we shall escape the 
dreadful denunciation made to an infatuated people 

formerly *' But now they are hid from thitid 

eyes." There is yet place for prudencfe ahd isdctt^' 
rity. •■■■■.—• 

Let any dispassionate man deliblerately eOffsi-' 
der, whether there are any natural causes M pre- 
sent, or even remotely tending to acoilisi^ji 6f in- 
terests between these- states and France. I am 
persuaded he will not find any, but,' difi^tty hbe 
reverse. \ Yet the loudest noteis of alarm hive 
been sounded through our land as if those -iiitC- 

■ ■ ' ■-■ rl . : 

• ' ' * * 

f After other ftr superior conadcrattons, niay it not 1m #drth tHille t6-hiF> ' 
q|iire— whether /tmm wouUl not cotuumtf mor« of tbe fctoduets- ^W Mil 

than ftny other nation f And also whether jbt would not supply s^or« gf 

foreign raw material of extensive use in the */«/«/, than any other nation ? 



( 269^ ) 

rest$- were irreconciUablc^ ^nd that our best welfare 
consisted in an utter estrangement. 

It is not my intention now to treat of the dis- 
gusts between us znl France. ..They are not the; 
natural products of ejither qouutry \ but political, 
briars apd thorps, the s^eds of which have been 
imported, and stf-ange as ,it is^ have been raised 
at a great expcnce — 7—in hot-bouses, (tf) 

' '.-....' . .»* J . 

Whatev^^ blame may bec^ston the French 

nation y on our side provoking acts have been 
CQQiiQitted. To acknowledge them would be no-' 
ble. Some deem it nioi^ noble,. iOtis possible, to 
conceal them. They are therefore: to be hid under ^ 
invectives and resentments against France. For 
this purpose so roany are straining their faculties 
and their voices : for, many are implicated. This 
circumstance engages their friends and adherents. 
Nor are there wanting excitements ot another kind 
to heighten the clamor. If the remembrance ot 
errors cannot otherwise be obliterated^ let it be 
confounded among the tempestuous tumults of 
hostilities. If France can be slyly irritated into a 
declaration of war against us, or if we can be art- 
fully wrought up to a proper degree of madness, 
and follow into a war those guides who have long 
since lost their way, their point is gained. Then 



( 270 ) 

error becomes toisdoniy and miscbief is dubbed /«• 
triotism.* "' 

1 

A FRIENDLY individual or a friendly nation ttiaf 
be of a wartn temper. Slighter things from a stt^ 
posed friend, will provoke more quickly and deep- 
ly than from another. In such cases, comciousneii 
of good will, especially in seasons of great and'per-*^ 
turbating distress, will feel more keenly any ap-" 
pearance of unkindness. The friend is not to W 
lost, because he is hasty, or in tbe beat of comhai^ 
for coery thing dear to bim,^; through suspicion df* 
our expected affection, even injurious. An old 

proverb says *' The falling out of lovers is the 

renewal of love.'* We certainly have* been *' lov- 
ers,*' and if we are fallen out, let us make the 
experiment of reconciliation. - The consequencds 

;. . ^ :.:: ■■ •'-■■< -.-1 

* '^ If we ire tojnclge hj reason alone, it is the interest of a BHiwUfcr^ f*!*ffW -• 
^ mUwunu^pmaa^ that there should be a war ; because ^ a war, the eytt rf At 
fmUie are tSvertedfrom examining into Ih conibut .- nor is he accountable fiir the 
hadsuccess of a war, as he is for that of an aAmmistratkm" 

SraacB of iir Mekerf Wai^ in parliament.'— ^7m^ eottt. of JE^V 
HuL aa 37. 



^ Agunst my wQl— ^my faie 

* SmrmuHRag dangers and an imfant state 

* Bid me defiaimyseifyeiiAi all my powers, 
** And ptard vM these seventies my shorci." 



VikoiL. 



( 271 ) 

will effect not only us, but our children^ and the 
children of our children, and their children, to the 
latest generations. We carry on our shoulders the 
fiipae and fate of our nation, j: 

.It is a mournful but instructive study, to read 
the history of mankind. There we see their fol- 
lies and their vices depicted at full length, ac- 
XKmpanied by their miserable attendants. The 
>ipminent feature is an aptitude to plunge into 
wars— — — 

^ .. . ■■ 

/^ For man too haughty in a prosperous state 
*^ Is biind^ and heedless to his future &te.'' 

A CHILD may set fire to a house, but a whole 
^ity may not be able to prevent the conflagration 
Tom levelling the buildings in every street to the 
^Oimd* *' Ruunt omnes in sanguinem suum po- 



I When PirxdSef» one of the greatest men Gr«M» efcr prodHced, was dnnad- 
ing TiUmidai z raih man fluhed with former tnccesaet, from attacking the 
SetiiaMs, among other things which he said, he nsed this *< MMiortfA/«** expressi- 
on, aa PUomttA caUa it-^— ** If tbon wik not take die advice of Pnkles^ wait' 
lor the advice of time, who is Af nhnt rfaUctmuelhr*/* ^ 

t^bmdas would taJce the advice of neither ; but waa defeated, and killed 
with a mnkitttde of the principal dtixens. *' Then PerUlei% advice gaifled him 
a high regard, together with great love and kindnesa from the people of Alhmt^ 
who looked upon him as a wise man» and a lover of his country-** 

Plvtakch's UfiofPtruht. 



( 272 ) 

piili obstinatoeque fcritatis pcenas nunc sponte 

persolvunt" *' All nations rush forvoard to the 

effusion of their own blood, and voluntarily' pay the 
penalties of their obstinate fiercenes5*^^\ 

■ It is an observation of antiquity, that ' they 
are happy, who grow wisehy the misfortunes of 
others. This direction has been too little respect- 
ed ; and men generally choose " to grow wwr by I 
their own misfortunes." But, as truth is never the 
worse for being long neglected, I hope and trust, 
that my beloved countrymen will exert the good 
sense they eminently possess, and stand upon the 
guard of prudence and affection for themselves and 
their posterity. 



FABIIJS. 



f « Panegyr. Fet. Mamtftkms iUustrateg the lut, hf the tnanpfe dT «birf 
all the nations of the worU:* GlB B. I£st • ii. ZOS. 



( 273 ) 



LETTER XV. 

r • In the year 1728, the depredations of the Spa- 
niards on the British commerce in the European 
and American seas, had been for a long time flag- 

, rant, extensive, cruel, and reproachful. The Bri- 

^\iisb nation was highly provoked. 

The committee appointed by the house of com- 
mons upon these depredations, after hearing all pro- 
- per .evidence, came on the fourteenth of MarcJb^ to 
the following resolution, which being reported was 

agreed to by the house " That from the peace 

concluded at Utrecht in 1713, to this time, the Bri- 
tish trade and navigation to and from the several 
British colonies in America^ has been greatly in- 
, temipted by continual depredations from the Spa- 
niards^ who have seized very valuable effects, and 
have unjustly taken and made prize of great num^ 
bers of British ships and vessels in those parts, to 
the great loss and damage of the subjects of this 
kingdom, and iii manifest violation of the treaties 
subsisting between the two crowns. f 

f TtndaTi Coot. olRapm\ Hist, of Eujfand^ ao. 38. 

VOL. II. 2 L 



( 274 ) 

The house then came to an unanimous resolu- 
tion, that an address should be presented to the 
king, '' desiring him to use his utmost endeavours, 
for preventing such depredations, procuring just 
and reasonable satisfaction for the losses sustained, 
and securing the free exercise of commerce and 
navigation." 

Not long after, the business was taken up i^in. 
*' The minister did not refuse to his enemies in 
the house, any paper they could call for, relating 
to the affairs between Great-Britain and Spain^ 
and the numbers they demanded were very great, 
and the time they took up in reading, very long. 
At last, the grand committee, who continued most 
assiduously to sit, upon the consideration of the 
complaints against the Spanish depredations, after 

long debates, resolved " That several ships, 

merchandizes, and effects, belonging to the mer- 
chants of this kingdom, trading to Spain^ Portugal 
and Italy^ have been taken and seized by the 
Spaniards^ in manifest violation of the treaties sub- 
sisting between the twa crowns, for which no re- 
stitution has yet been made ; and that the masters 
and crews of several of the said ships have been 
barbarously and inhumanly IvtVittA.^^* An address 
similar to the former was voted and presented. 

* Tmi* Cont. 40. 4Z. 



( 275 ) 

Ik 1729, the famous treaty of Seville was made. 
By the first article, all former treaties and conven- 
tions were confirmed. By the second, the two 
kings guaranteed each others dominions. By the 
third, all engagements by the treaty of Vienna^ 
prejudicial to the treaties between the two crowns, 
antecedent to the year 1725, in which the treaty of 
Fienna was made, were annulled. By the fourth, 
commerce was to be restored to its former footing, 
and orders were to be instantly dispatched on all 
sides for that purpose. By the fifth, the catholic 
king obliged himself to make reparation for all 
damages that had been done by his subjects. By 
the sixth, commissaries were to be appointed on 
each part to assemble at the court of Spain^ to exa- 
mine and decide concerning ships and effects taken 
at sea, to the time specified dn the preceding article 
■■■ ■ also, the respective pretensions relating to 
abuses supposed to be committed, whether with 

respect to limits, or otherwise and to make 

report which should be executed. By the seventh, 
commissaries were to be appointed for deciding all 
differences. By the eighth, the time for the seve- 
ral commissaries finishing their commissions, is 
limitted to three years. The ninth, tenth, eleventh, 
twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth contained regu- 
lations Avhich it is needless to mention.f 

f 7MM^ConM0.5Z. 



( 276 ) 

However, the depredations still went on. In 
1730, parliament was daily receiving petitions, 
complaining of them. The commissaries appointed 
by the king, in consequence of the treaty of Seville^ 
had not been able to prevail on the court of Madrid,, 
to name commissaries on the part of Spain, so that 
not the smallest progress was made in obtaining 
satisfaction for British subjects, and fresh com- 
plaints were constantly coming in. Every petition 
added new matter for railing against the minister, 
sir Robert Walpole, afterwards earl of Orford, for 
not declaring war, or at least issuing orders for 
reprisals. No man was ever more abused. He was 
represented as a fool, a coward, a villain, and a 
traitor. The nation was raging for a war. 

The minister endeavoured to avoid it, and per- 
severed in his attempts to settle the matters in va- 
riance, by negociation, being well assured, that 
this mode of proceeding would be much better for 
Great-Britain^ than a war. A very great majority 
Df the house of commons agreed with him in senti- 
tnent. It was accordingly resolved, that an address 
? should be presented to the king, " desiring him to 
continue his endeavours to prevent depredations, to 
procure satisfaction, and to secure trade and navi- 
gation." The address was presented.* 

* Ttad. Coat, ao, 95— ao» %i%. 



( 277 ) 

In succeeding years the depredations continued. 
Various resolutions were adopted in parliament, 
and several measures proposed for relief. 

In the course of the inquiries concerning these 
depredations from their commencement, it appear- 
ed, that many vessels trading fairly, with very valu- 
able cargoes, and unquestionably intitled to protec- 
tion under the law of nations, and existing treaties, 
were taken and confiscated, and frequently with a 
mockery of justice, exhibiting the greatest con- 
tempt. The masters and mariners were treated 
with the utmost inhumanity and indignity. Their 
personal sufferings by loathsome imprisonment, or 
condemnation to hard labour, unwholsome food, 
iron fetters, and other attrocities, were enormous. 
One calamity they escaped — they were not com- 
pelled to fight against their countrymen or allies. 

In 1738, the house of commons, in an address 
to the king, used this strong language — " That 
before and since the execution of the treaty of 5^- 
ville^ and the declaration made by the crown of 
Spain^ pursuant thereto, for the satisfaction and se- 
curity of the commerce of Great-Britain^ many 
unjust seizures and captures have been made, and 
great depredations committed by the Spaniards^ 
which have been attended with many instances of 
unheard of cruelty and barbarity." 



( 278 ) 

The minister was a man of spirit, and also of 
deliberation, qualities not often enough united. He 
was neither daring nor timid. His comprehen- 
sive and informed genius gave him an elevation, 
from which, with enlightened serenity, he looked 
down upon the world of circumstances, and pre- 
sided over conjectures. He firmly adhered to his 
system of peace and negociation.* He weighed 
and balanced things in his mind. He judged that 
much respect was to be paid, to what would be 
thought ABROAD, and that some regard was due 
even to the prejudices and mistakes of a power, 
whose friendship was essential to the welfare of his 
country: 2ind.from some peculiarities in the state 
of European affairs^ he did not despair of accom- 
plishing his purpose, unless it was defeated by her 
passions, so much to her benefit, that those who 
then blamed him, would afterwards approve his 
conduct. 

After some time, preliminaries were signed as 
the basis of a treaty of accommodation. In conse- 
quence of these a convention was made. The 
court of Spain behaved improperly ; and as her de- 



• This great minirter was advised by some of his friends, to tai the BMk 
colonies in Amerka, He had the wisdom and generosity to reject that ad- 
vice, observing that Great-Britain obtained sufficient advantages from their 
commerce. Such advice was pursued some years afterwards, and the oonse- 
qucuccs are well known. 



( 279 ) 

mands amounted to a claim of perpetual right to /' 
make seizures and captures in time of peace^ oil 
the same pretences that she had before apted w^n^ 
the nation was so inflamed, that in 1739, \^ix be- 
gan. In 1748, it ended, ivitbout the least" compeU" 
sation whatever being obtained in the treaty of 
peace, for any of the property the Spaniards had 
unjustly seized, or for any of the excess'ss they had 
committed. War is a great burier. 

Let us attend to what some years afterwards, 
calm and impartial British history says upon the 
subject. 

" The main question for which the war was ori- 
ginally entered into, which was the commercial 
disputes between Spain and Great-Britain in the 
fFest'IndieSj seemed to have been dropped, and 
mentioned in the treaty only for form sake, while 
each of those nations, though mutually weakened, 
found themselves in the very same condition they 
were in before the war. The* sober j sensible part 
of the people of England, began now to speak with 
reverence of the earl of Orford^s pacific adminis- 
trationy and those who had been his greatest ene- 
mies, seemed at a loss to account for the reasons, 
ivhy the war had been entered into.^^* 

* T^nd, Cont. »l, 373, 374. 



( 280 ) 

Wh AT has been, now is, and in succeeding ages 
yvill be the character of that man, with all persons 
who are capable of forming a judgment of it ? Cl/at- 
bam^'^o had been one of his most violent oppor 
nents, R^d to discern, and generously to acknow- 
ledge his superior merit. The excellent Johnson 
styled him. '' a star of the first magnitude ;" and 
it is appre]|ended, that it will be generally agreed,, 
that he was cue of the wisest ministers that bis own 
country, or any other ever had. 

Look at Britain now ; and see to what acondi-; 
tion she is brought, by being committed to the dis- 
posal of ministers of a different character. 

In defiance of all dissuading considerations, in * 
contempt of all energetic reclamations, her rulers ■. 
courted a rupture with France. . They obtained iti * 
What with it? In Europe and America, the de- 
struction of her brave soldiers and sailors, by 

sword and pestilence in Africa, the ruinof hejrv. 

settlements in Asia^ her Indian empire totter^. .- 

ing assuredly to fall her bank, the sanctua^ ; 

ry for silver and for gold, shut (r) distrust pftlr.-. 

sying her exertions confusion catching her ^f-; . 

fairs from one to another, as a contagion-?— -^cr'^^ 
enemy " running upon her like a giant"— «7-aii4> 



( 281 ) 
** Britain^ ocean's trident-bearing queen," 

Britain herself in imminent danger of invasi- 
on. 

It seems as if some sin had been working at the 
root of her full-blown prosperity, for about a quar- 
ter of a century. Let us reflect. 

We read in a book well worth reading, of " the 
iniquity of a people being yi///," and then of pu- 
nishment coming. 

At the period alluded to, Britain^ not innocent 
in other respects, as weeping nations have felt, then 
** put forth a hand*' and profanely touched the ark 
of liberty. She drew it back wounded and wither- 
ed. Not long afterwards, tbe friend of mankind 
appeared within sight of her shores. Uninstructed 
by her " own misfortunes^'*'^ again she precipitated 
herself into the same violation of duty ; unprovok- 
cd, quarrelled with a people imitating the exam- 
ple of her better days, resolved to be free, and even 
supplicating her neutrality, when her compliance 
with the equitable request, would have penetrated 
France with gratitude, and in all probability have 
saved the family for which she pretended to arm^ 
She in her turn has supplicated, as vainly. 

VOL. II. 2 M 



( 282 ) 

If it be consistent with the providential govern- 
ment of the world, that another instance of divine 
displeasure against national abuses of manifold and 
vast blessings be not, for a warning to others " at 
ivbicb both the ears of every one that beareth it 
shall tingle ^^^ given in that people, may heaven in 
mercy be graciously pleased to save an offending 
yet generous nation, from the madness of its gov- 
ernors. Perhaps, " the place may be spared for 

the righteous that are therein" for they are 

many. 

Nor does Britain afford the only example of the 
avenging calamities that appear in the established 
economy of human affairs, to be bolted and rivit- 
ed on Christian nations particularly, who en- 
gage in such iniquitous enterprises. I say Christie 
an nations, for as they offend against greater light, 
their guilt is more glaring, and their punishment 

more audaciously invoked. 1 shall select one 

more from the roll of national crimes. 

Spain on some part of whose dpminions, it is 
boasted, that the sun is always shining, determined 
by every cruelty to extinguish the liberty of the 
United Provinces — a dot, that on a map of, the 
globe, must be closely searched for to be discover- 
ed. Spain was then thick clotted over with jfrnc* 
rican gore. A dreadful incumbrance! 



( 283 ) 

The dot prevailed against the nvide extended 
realms ihut spread from the confines of the arctic, 
to those of the iantarctic circle, and stretched with 
belting longitude round both hemispheres. They 
fell, and — " great Avas the fall.'* The triumph 
over her by so puny a foe, was beyond expression 
amazing. The history of mankind could not sup* 
ply a parallel ; and yet — another event took place, 
that distanced the wonder, 

The MiGBTT rowit, *at which the world turned palei** 

sunk — down — exhausted — in the contest. Soon 
afterwards, in the changeful course of human af- 
&irs, it implored and obtained the protection 
of the little people, which in its day of delusion, 
unconscious of the concealed preserving blessing 
it strove to destroy^ it had doomed to perdition — 
against a tyrannic conqueror, who in bis day of de- 
lusion was insultingly ^^ stamping with his feet," 
upon its debilitated frame. 

Let us be admonished by these tremendous ex- 
amples. 

Of all improbabilities^ the establishment of a 
republic in France, would some few years ago 
have been judged the most improbable. From 
principle, magnitude, and connection, it seems to 



( 284 ) 

announce a new series of events on earth* .^^ Se«: 
cret things belong unto the Loan our God; but 
those things which are revealed belong unto us^ 
and to our children forever.'* 

The French are contending for the. rights 
granted to them by the charter of their ck^eatiqit^ 
^^ Refrain from these men, and let them alone ; for 
if this council, or this work be of men, it will come 
to nought ; but, if it be of God, you cannot over- : 
throw it; lest haply ye be found even to fight 
against God." 

Our path is ver}* plain. Let us not be inveig- 
led from it, by a mean desire to cover our, own 
faultSy by the fanciful notions of a political rcfine^^ 
ment^ or by an unjustifiable rage for speculations * 
upon the welfare of us and our posterity. Let us 
assert. and maintain our true character s inceri* 
/y of thought, and rectitude oi zcAoni and con- 
vince the world, that no man^ or body of meu^ what* 
ever advantages may for a while be taken of our 
unsuspecting confidence^ shall ever be able to draw • 



* By the direful experimeni cf changing our republican form of 
into m hereditary monarchy and aristocracy ; a change that tfercr can be dftc^ ' 
ed, but by destroying the bleaungs we actually enjoy, dehigiQg onr land iridi ' 

blood, and blasting the hopes of mankind. 

What honw mutt the cootenplatioa of /wc^#WMCrf«t/iff»/ «- ^ v- 



( a»5 ) 

this nation outpf the diKct.road of a hone&t^;can»^ 
did;'and. generous conduct. The $un of truth will 
sqaner or Ig^ter disiipate the mUts of fallacy^ and 
shev) things as they rtflliy are. 

^:. W£ have nothing to. dp, bint to quit the new 
famgUd philosophy' oiimB^ji^xyvoxtkcQ^ in politics, 
aad faithfully adhere ta the gotMi old precepts of 
common sense, and to- the sound dispositions of hu- 
man nature; with a noble and a pious faith to believe^ 
that there are such things on earth as gratitude 
and friendship, tbo^ God has so formed men, that 
they are influenced by a regard for their own inter- 
ests : in short to return to the wise and just senti- 
ments which we heretofore entertained for those 
who first acknowledged our independence^ and set 
the blessed example to others those who na- 
tionally and individually, upon every occasion, 
through every period of our contest, uniformly and 
constantly manifested the most affectionate attach- 
ment to .us — those to whom, under " a gracious 
Providence ^^^ we owe our ** peace ^ liberty^ andsafe-^ 
ty^^ as we have repeatedly and solemnly declared 

to all mankind for ever to renounce the detest- 

able position, that we ought to select them out 
wliien surrounded by distress, and fighting the bat- 
tles^ of freedom to be the first objects, against whom 
we are to exert that very sovereign power they were 
instrumental in conferring upon us ; the frst peo- 



( 285 ) 

pie, into whose hearts we are to plungfe those ttry 
svjords that by their aid at the expence of their 
blood and their treasure have been put into our 
hands. Heaven forbid ! that American gratis 
tude should become a by- word among civilized na- 
tions to the latest ages^ emphatically to describe 
that supremacy of depravity, which no other tertte 
can fully define. Then, indeed, it nfeiy be'Sbfee 
consolation to our darkened and perverted mindft, 
that " punicfaitb*^ will be its allied compaxu<»i. 



FABIUS- 



i«lw ...*-■ db- 



APPENDIX. 



W 





All the notes in the following appendix, except 
the two at letters {m) and {n)j and the notes in pa- 
ges 89, 99, 100, the last , note in page 119, 124, 
125, 137, 142, 149, 150, 152, 153, 154, 183, 184, 
188, 190, 207, 214, 242, 253, 255 and 256 of the 
letters of Fabius^ have been added since the editibn 
in 1797. 



APPENDIX- 



(a) JMANKIND possessing present good are 
too frequently inattentive to future evil.— -^Thus, 
when a nation has bravely recovered its liberty by 
a revolution, it is too apt to slide into an opinion, 
that all things are safe. The people then sink into 
carelessness and confidence, and thereby tempt the 
anibitious, the selfish, and the unprincipled, to fas- 
ten new fetters upon theoi in place of the old. 

To sucb characters the health and power of a 
nation are vast temptations. To partake of them 
jointly in comnion with their fellow-citiaens, ap- 
pears to their aspiring genius too low a condition. 
Accordingly they eagerly engage in schemes to gain 
for themselves an undue proportion ; and in all 
ages and in all countries they uniformly employ the 
same means. They begin with fraud and conclude 
with Violencq. .^ . 

VOL.. U." ■ -^.N 



( 290 ) 

Memorable are the instances that will strike 
ah attentive oBscrvcr of human alairs, shewing, 
that the time which immediately follows the escape 
of a free people from a great danger, is itself a pe- 
riod of great danger. 

Thus, the Greeks not many years after their uniU 
ed forces had repulsed the hosts of Persia^ began 
those foolish and inveterate fueds, which continu- 
ally enfeebled them, and 'm the conclusion ^^ed the 
galling yoke of Macedan iq)on their — ^till then- 
unbending necks* 

TTHijs, wtenthe Romans had subdued Carthage^ 
and were relieved from all fear of that once fbrmi* 
dable rival, they slK>rtly after divided into factions^ 
that constantly liarrassed them, and at last destroy- 
ed their liberty. 

Th us, England emancipated by the restoration 
irom the despotism of her own army, quickly declin- 
ed jhto a disgraceful submission to the profligate 
Charles the second, that cost her the lives ot niany 
excellent patriots, and exposed her to the utniost 
liaz'ards. ' 

' ^H US, the same kingdom soon after being deli- 
vered by the revolution from all apprehension of the 
perils that then threatened it, began to feel a subtle 



( 291 ) 

undue it{flucnQe ^ of the. crown over the p arliam^Dt, 
V^ore mischif^vpus thaa the open det^ands of prero- 
ga^ye^ Xh^X has involved it ix?i unnecessary wi^*9r ppr- 
tentous debts, and oppressive taxes, togetheir with 
a large standing army, septennial elections, and 
continued persecution of sincere christians, honest 
men, and faithful subjects, for differences of opinion 
in religion. 

What other evils may be experienced from that 
influence time viU discover; 

ANOTHSft truth respecting the vigilance with 
whioh a free people should guard their liberty, that 
<Ie3erves.tobe carefully observed, is this— thata real 
tyranny mfl^y prevail in estate, while Hit forms of a 
free constitution reniain.-— *-^To mention no more 
instances, thus Henry the eighth exercised an abso- 
lute despotism in England^ while all his enormi- 
ties were sanctioned by the authority of parliament, 

f y&Hf. ciecrablf tffvat L^h the elfevmitiy of France, b j influendng the 
clectioii:of repreacntatiTef , by br^ing or overawing the members, and by vari- 
out cfhaoges which he made in die forms of their jlelibcraticnt, acquired such 
an ■ ebdrie Section of the nstkm&l ancmblies, that from being the Tigilant 
guardiant of th^ privileges and property of the people, be rendered them tame- 
ly nibsfnrient to the most odious measures of his reign. 

He fint. taught other nodetn princei the fatal art of becoming arbitrary 

by COKKUPTIMQ Tfl% FOUNTAIN OF PUBLIC LIBXATT. 

Thia upprmor aodBtntdcDer attupied the tttlei of ** sKynfj** and" mut chrUti* 
aa^* formerly not claimed by the kings of France, 



( 292 ) 

Le t us therefore keep in perpetual remembrance^ 
that the provisions established for the security of 
liberty may be converted into engines for its de^ 
struction. 



(b) The excellent Hoadiey, afterwards bishop <^ 
fTincbesterj in his celebrated treatise on ^^ civil 
*^ government,*' strenuously asserting and defend* 
ing the principles of freedom^ prudently availed 
himself of the sentiments of the learned and pioiis 
Hooker^ who was well known^to h^ an orthodox 
church- man, and a faithful royalist. ThefoUowing 
quotations are extracted, from that work. .* 

** He, f Hooker) expressly founds civil govern- 
ment upon the voluntary agreement, compositioii^ 
or compact of the members of the governed socie- 
ty ; from whom originally comes all the authori^ 
of governors : so expressly, that he declares it im- 
possible, that any should have complete lawfiil 
power but by this consent, in the ordinary coorae 
of God's Providence. He leaves it entirely as a 
tiling indifferent, to the free consultation and deli- 
beration of men, what form of government shall be 
tried or established. He plainly enough te^chieA, 
Ihfit the first trial or compact,: dothr iioi>%^okSi^ 




( 293 ) 

e governed society, but that upon ex^rieiicfc bf 
niversal evil, they have a right to try by another 
orm to answer more effectually the ends o/'govfrn- 

nent It could not, it seems, appear tolerablcf to 

him, to lodge in the governors of any society, an 
unlimited authority to annul, and alter the consti^ 
tution of the government, as they should see fit ; 
and to leave to the governed the privilege only of 

absolute subjection in all such alterations He 

thought the laws a rule to the prince, as well as the 
subject, and the executive power bound to the due 
execution of the laws. 

Tho* he places the authority of governors, after 
their appointment, above any particular members 
of the society, yet he doth not place it above the 
V)hole governed society^ or people or body politic. 
-Tho* therefore the separate interests of individuals 
must yield to it, yet the united interest of the whole 
must be of greater consideration : according to 
which notion he interprets Rom. 13. 1. as to which 
place of scripture I observe likewise, he interprets 
it equally with respect to all forms of government ; 
not with a particular view to the Roman emperor^ 
exclusively of the senate^ but with a general regard 

to all who have lawful power of legislation. It 

mtiBt follow from his principles, whether he said if, 
^tir thought it or not, that no gotsemor can have au- 
^iljlQlitty to tuin the governed society ; it being im- 



( 2»4 > 

possible, tbat any peppit should give vq^ fff^ii au^ 
tbority by tbeir compact ; ot^ that any autbw^. 
should be devolved upon him by th€ V)ill qf G^di 
t>ut what is requisite for the ends of g^etument-^ 
to which this is absolutely repugnant. Authority 
given to a governor^ to judge of privc^t.e injur icSi 
and to guard against /2/^7;V enemies^ cOBiKit imply 
in it an. authority to do injuries, or to become -qt 
public enemy himself : but the contrary. 

: f 

It follows therefore likewise, that 4^ft6r:8ugh cbtn^ 
pact and composition, there mu^t remaifx^ in tl|9 
governed society a right to defend, and preserve 
itself from ruin, as well if this governor sfaoulct'at- 
tempt it himself, as if he should encourage, df 
carelessly permit any otl^r public enemy'toat^ 
tempt it, or absolutely refuse to use the power 
lodged in him for the frustrating! such aa^t^npt 
from abroad-~— ' . .» 

But, it is asked by many, where thi^ originrf 
icautratt is tobe seen, upon which ci^il gavef^nment 
is founded I Why it is not printed for theJbenefit tif 
mankind, that recourse mi^y be had to it.inpoiftA 
occasions? and many the like ingenious )9Ue^timt 
are put upon this subject. It is enough to answer-— 
that when the original commission given from b^ch 
ven, at the beginning of the world, or imme^it«tQly 
after the deluge, is discovered and laid l^efote Qs 



i 



( &95 ) 

in plain characters, empowering till priActt tomlt 
by their 'o^n wils^wA raising them abate all cp^ 

position on any account whatsoever when this 

Divine commission^ I say, is produced, then k will 
be time to triumph, because ibejlrst contract can- 
not. But, till that time comes it is as good an 
argument against any such Divine commission as 
is ooiltcndcd for, that the original of it is not to be 
found amoiig the ancient records^ as it is against 
contract and compact^ that no authentic draught 
otitic original contract bttwt^ king Bxi& people 
can foe ppodoced^ 

Aft -to this therefore, the tfvo opposite suppositi^ 
Mi^ are upon a level t he chief question is notv 
whether there was ever such a contract forAiallj 
aiBfd atctually made, but v)betber mankind bad not a 
right iamakeitz for if they had, rivi/ ^ov^rit^ 
me7Tty in the ordinary coarse of tiuogs^ eonld b^ 
rigbifutly founded upon nothing eke but t>bis or 
nubat is equivalent to it, a tacit consent of the go^ 
verned; and since the latter must be of the same 
effect with the other ^ this may be sufficient for our 
present purpose, unless any pers<His think fit to call 
also for the original draught of a tacit consent.^^ 

Ik anbtteir place the author observes, "that-^— 
** There may bd a tacit consent^ where there was 
no fdf^maVtfbhfrdct-l or preceeding state of no-go- 



( 296 ) 

vernment : Sind power may keep a community from 
exerting a ri^hs^ which nevertheless it hath with* 
in itself." 

Aftea having vindicated in a most masterly 
msaincr the principles of liberty SiS carried into ef. 
feet by British patriots at the revolution in 1688, 
with a generous indignation he exclaims-^-^^^ How 
unlike to these days /" [The latter part of queen 
Anne^s reign, when tories were triumphant—] 
" In whichj these principles are by many writers 
styled the principles of confusion and disorder £ 
and the maintatners of them not allowed to have 
any better title than that oixhtsons of Belial; nor 
be under any better influence than that of Beelze* 
bub ; nor to. copy .after any better pattern than 
that of Lucifer ; nor to have any better character 
than that of atheists or deists^ nor to deserve any 
better ya/tf than that of apostates and rebels.^* 

ffoadley on civil government^-redition of 1710. 



f^)lNFiNiTE wisdom and goodness havix>g deter- 
mined, that it was better to make such creatures as 
men than not to make, them, in consideration, of 
the nature assigned them, graciously diffused 
through the const i tut ion of things ^ ^ variety of pn>- 



...ijti^ 



( 297 ) 

visions adapted to their inward frame and outward 
condition, for leading them to a proper employment 
of the powers bestowed upon them. 

This constitution of things is, as it were, a 
compression^ that gives efficacy to the living elas- 
ticity in man. Accordingly, his faculties are sti- 
mulated by necessities ; his efforts sustained by 
gradual progressions ; and his acquisitions enhanc- 
ed by the circumstances that retarded them. 

Other creatures without controtil sict up to tbe 
utmost of their capacities ; but, man has powers 
entrusted to him^ which he is not to exercise in 
tbe extreme.^ His ardent and strongly impelling 



f "Thou (halt not eat," &c. Gen, ii. 17. Every prohibition laid by his 
Creator on man, u a kindne w ■ ■■ i ntended to admonish him— — ^and to 
raise up his thoughts to a superior good, aetuaily appointed fir him, if he will 
acctept it. Thefe prohibitions do not relate to another life only. Obedience 
to them promoces the weHafe of this life also ; and it would be the real inter- 
est of man to observe them, even if he was not to live in another world : so 
that in truth, he is to be rewarded with happiness hereafter, iy contenting to 
observe tbe best rules fir promoting bis bappimess bere. Such are the ways of HIM 
with whom we have to do. Therefore, the laws of lifi are direction*^ that 
point out to man the path, by which he is to ascend through the temperate 
^ime» of virtue, to the nightless regions of unfading felicity. 

" Nature is composed of incomprehensibly various parts, and yet a regular 
- consistent scheme, and upon the whole, of inviolable connection. We see no- 
; thing redundant, nothing short or confused, in respect of the general intent 

VOX. n». 20 



( 298 ) 

desire of happiness, finds itself regulated by the 
eternal tables of justice and order : while from the 
legitimate exertion of his powers, there is a con- 
tinual germination of benefits. 

When drawn together by motives designed in 
the beginning to have this operation, men formed 
themselves into civil societies, their thoughts most 
probably extended no farther than their peculiar si- 
tuation at that time. But, from this union the Di- 
vine economy has produced, as it were, a new cre- 
ation of energies. 

and scope of being, nothing incongruous to its own nature. Whaterer Ir, 
maintains its distinct rank, prosecutes its appointed course, coatributen its pro- 
portion to the beauty and happiness of the universe, interferes with no other 
part of the constitution, nor omits its peculiar operations. We find in every 
part of the GOD of nature's ftupcndous workmanship, two different, but 
strictly united and confederate views pursued; the preservation of tke indivi- 
dual, whether it be plant, mere animal, or reasonable man and tbe makutg 

all to centre in one common point of universal order and use. We. find imiformity 
constantly mixed with variety, and the balance of both s« nicely, and with 
more than geometrical skill, adjusted, as to produce no appearance of A'Wf^ff-i 
as far as our observations are capable of reaching ; and as we have good ground 
to believe, from what we see and know, to the utmost liniits of creation.*'* 

*< It is possible, that there may now be as many of t^e highest order of in- 
telligences, as there would have been, if only that single order had been creat- 
ed and likewise, that there may be in every other rank of beings, riaiiig 

in regular gradation, one above another, as many creatures as there would 
have been, if each of these orders had existedalone.—-— It is, I think, almost 
^iemonstrable, that a constitution so diversified may yield upon the whole, the 
greatest good."f 

* Foster*! discourses, i. 92. f Fester's Sermons ii. a8. 



( 299 ) 

All the charities of life advance ; and the mo- 
ral harmonies are evolved, in unison with the be- 
nevolence that breathes through the system of the 
universe. 

The social principle increases enjoyments, by 
enlarging attentions. United forces and regards 
elevate each individual. Hence sound instruction, 
wise direction, and an augmenting communion of 
blessings, ever brightening by their circulation. 

To persevering enterprize thus aided, nature 
delivers up almost unapproachable recesses, and 
benign mysteries are discovered. Causes lying 
distinct and inert in the original disposition, con- 
joined and applied by men, are made abundantly 
productive of profitable effects. 

The arts and sciences unfold their inestimable 
treasures, blending their kindred * rays in count- 
less complications of improvement and embellish- 
ment. Even body is given to thought and shape 
to the "ooice^ \ with wings of unwearied flight, that 



^ CUen observed this relationship-— * *< Omncs artes qna «d hnmanitatem 
pertiilent, habent quoddam commune Tmculum, et quasi cognoHoM inter se coa- 
tmcnter." 

f << Fhtnutt primi, famx si credimus, ausi 
'* Mansuram rudibus ? ocem signare figuris** Luc an. 




( 300 ) 

waft the riches of intellectual gifts, from land to 
land, and from age to age. 



From unexceptionable witnesses it appears on inquiry, that the Pbaniciatu and 
their colonists the Cartbaginia/u spoke in different ages a dialect of the Hebntp 
language, scarcely varying from the originaL 

EupoUmus, in his book of the kinjps of Judea^ says— — ^' Mmu was the first 
wise man —Utters werejintpvem by him to the Jrwt and from them the 

Fbaniciatts received them. 

What renders this account very probable, is this circumstance, that the Pbm^ 
nlcians were next neighbours to the Jnvs, 

Cbitrilus tin his verses concerning the Solymi, who, he says, dwelt near tbe lah, 
supposed to be the '* Aspbaltites^* now called tbe Dead-^ea, uses this expression, 
— ** These with their tongue pronounced Pbmtuian words." Thus aUo Xwom 
— — ** He spoke some indistinct words like the Hebrew or PbKnicUm. 

To the same purpose Plautut and many others. Grotius. 

It has been disputed among pious and learned men, whether speech or the 
rendering our ideas audible by articulate sounds, and also, whether the method 
of rendering them visible by symbols called Utters^ are immediate revelations, or 
human inventions. 

Surely it tazy be asserted, that the resolution of complex articulate toimds into 
simple elements or letters, with the recomposition of those sounds in writing them 
down alphabetically, far transcends any known invention of ancient times. 

This is plain that whether Utters are derived from an immediate revelatioB 
to Moses or to any before him, yet *<by a review of what has been written about 
them, we may trace them backwards from nation to nation, and find themmiMt 
early used in those parts** were, by the best accounts, mankind first dwelt, and 
" from whence they dispersed.** Sbuckford's connection of sacred and profime 
history, I. 221. 



■^ 



( SOI ) 

The skies^ shut as it were by irremovcable ob- 
stacles, are unbarred, the motions of worlds and 



By this review, as well as by other considerations drawn from a due respect 
for the divine perfections, and from the nature of things, we may be convinc- 
ed, how vain is the representation made by some ancients through ignorance 
of the truth, and by some modems in contempt of it, that men at first lived 
like bcafts, making only strange and uncouth noises, till at length convenience 
taught them the use of speech. 

Thus among others, Diodorus S'uulus writes in his firft book of history, and 
FttruviMf in his second book : ^ 

So Horacf, 

** Quum prorcpscrunt primis animalia terris, 
'•* Mutum ac turpe pecus 

When animals crawlM forth at first from earth, 
A vile dumb herd they were 

And Lucretiuty 

" At variosling[ux sonitas natura coegit 

" Mittere ; et utiiitas expressit nomina rcnim. 

To utter various sounds nature compelled 

Mankind ; and then convenience taught them words 

However, letters may have been introduced, certain it is, that 6y tbelr aU we, 
in a manner, start from the bounds of time and place in which we live, intel- 
lectually overtake things whirled from us by the lapse of ages, and approach 
even to the infancy of creation ; see, as it were, things separated from us by 
the greatest distance ; converse faniiliarly with the farthest absent ; are taught 
by the dead ; commit to an impartial and present depository private contracts, 
laws, and public treaties, that ought to be observed with entire {aithfnh«eaB ; 
and transmit to posterity all the instruction we can possibly collect for render- 
ing them wise, and good, and happy. 



What thanks are due for such signal and lasting blessings! 



r 



( 302 ) 

stars, with their laws, are explored, and celestial lu- 
minaries are engaged to ascertain the mensurations 

of earth. 



The art of writing was attended with yafh benefits to mankind ; Imt the 
transcription of books was so cxpenuve, that hardly any bnt the rich could 
obtain tkem ; and their libraries consisted of very few volumes. The acconqti 
we hare of the high prices sometimes given for books, are surprising. Private 
p^sons seldom possessed any whatever. Some remarkable particulars are ooi- 
kcted in — — 

The history of the reign of Charles the fifth — Hist, illust. 193 to l^^tai 
in Htfiry^shist, of Britain, a 287. &c. 

The art oi printing diffused the benefits of writing to almost all dasses of 
people, and secured publications in such a manner by the multiplication of co- 
pies, that they could be transmitted to all countries, and from one geaerativn 
to another. 

A great geometrican * said ^* give me ivbere to stand, and I will move this 

world." 

The press appears to be the place, from which ibe rational and iKora/ world 
ift to be moved. 

Ic is the light and the duty of men, to think for themselves^ 

Tbs MOMBNTdus cONTBiT IB GoiMo ON, bttweeu religion, and hotti of 
of enemies— liberty, and its adversaries tyranny and Ucentieusoess—— know- 
ledge, and its oppositeH ignorance and falsehood. 

The cause or mankind is pLEAsiNe. Truth is essential to happinesi 
--reacon to the reception of truth— and discussion to the best use of reason. 
The blessings that have been mentioned are related one to another ; and their 
vnited influence coniUtutes the greatest felicity of this life. 



* Archimedes* 



1» 



( 303 ) 

Ar Liic ■* the acean itself wiih a?* ;ti 

winds ind vraves submirj and obtrUicntlv bears 



H:-v =.111-^ .-L Lie r.nna. nzi prevnt thctr dutorted mind and injured bo- 
dice, bzzcz'zz zizzli cofiitioa! 

T&rr^ :i A TIC TO« WIT BOUT VIOLENCE. 

* TboQgh Oie magnet was used in navigation before the art of jfriv*.-.';^ ^^ 
known, Tc: :: w^s not successfully applied in traversing th? o".«.'., t.' '..' *jl^ 
art had attaice-i a considerable degree of perfection.'—- —Ter JSf.-X' iiZK yrirru 
other books, were very well printed about the mid^ uT 'i* llv.>nr.i '.'jsru:*; 
^MTfriM was not discovered by CbriiUpLer OJumim: 'jz:.'^ ''t^ yn' :^^. rfi.L 
afterwards in that century the Pertu^eje^ uiidrr Ft^.t c^ ^.lutLt, L-r k..,*:-. .\ 
the Eaxt'ImJUi by the cape of GW /£^ 

The application of magnetism to cavigicicc ti.'. mi* l-.-^it.u .m 'i , ; .-• 
the press ara discoveries of drLtisn tv^iczjL*- 

In our attempts to estimate ti.* !»«.•£:< ••-I- .*-•»••■ ■ .-. .... 

tries by these discoveries, wc sL'.ul-i :.'/:;/•:>•-:•., •-.J- ■ ■ ..-. -i. . ..- 

they were made. 

At the very period wh=a tL: /'»-:*rj.r.' jc- ■•,- . ^. 

bometansf then very form: dil it. ■!••:-• t ^v'/i^ / -.- . , -^ ■ j . . ^ 

Had a little more time b«-i i>.»vr.: v-.t- r v ;.;: - ^ 
wishes would have been reilisti, -,7 -.vtr >r.-.» ■::;■-. 
of all the wealth »ad yoma wz^^^ Ig^m^ ^ :^ --.^y, . ,. . 
has proved, from thLK i&ezlfebc-:,.t k»u -.t. ^ ■/ . * ^.•- ' . «,.^ 
to question, but that thry wuki^ ia^k 9Jv:iuJ-^-^ :..:,,...' 
wealth and power in tbcix L.*wer.f: '.ic»j«:t v' <•,'...;««> '• ^ •. . 
same miserable slavery, wrX »'s«.-:L 17 ^uc<f 'y^" .-!;.■ ,.»i,.'r^. , 
celebrated parts of it, ixi'Juda^ ^iit ur -.i.^:«.-.' v i^ * . ., ^. . y 
dy overwhelmed. 



<i«» - « ^ 



If wetum our atteiritiii tt/ tut /»'«»• ii.«i; '#..,. -s. • ^- •: i„j,^ 1 
seasonably opened in tlrtic wood* i«r r'i.» y*. '.■■•'.•■ / /:• ««#'^.»>m«1cw| 
persecuting bigocT}' of ihcu' iu;'jvt. '.wutt'.'i*. v':^.. \u .^ w.x^.m M^ iwi 
the other bide of the Hsfti.i.w, u>v tijcif i«e«'^ ji tfCM*.^- 



i^ 



( 304 ) 

its adventurous victors, guided by an insensible yet 
surprisingly empowered conductor, amidst the 
clouds of day, and the darkness of night, through 
every clime f to every shore. J 



Hercy with pure hearts and humble zeal, they began to frame a political 
fabric, not " to make themselves a name," but to preserve the sacred fire of 
freedom. In the warmth of the freedom that has been thus conveyed from 
them to us, we now rejoice ; and may it be, in like manner, conveyed from 
us to our latest posterity. What advantages will redound to mankind in ge- 
neral by the events that have occurred among us, under Providence chcir con- 
duct and our own must determine. 

7be ttate of the ehrUiian world at the time when the art ofprhUiMg wu invent- 
ed, and the changes that have since takt:n place, are well known. 

f Man endures a greater variety of climates than any other animal, and is 
less influenced than any other by variations of food ; so that he is enabled to 
spread his habitations over the earth. 

No creature on this globe raises food for its maintenance^ but man. The 
reft only gather what is prepared \ for them. I'his employment of man is 
an office of high dignity, because it produces a kind of inferior creation, and 
he has the honour of co-operating with his Maker in the process. 



\ The goodness of the Creator in providing for his creatures, is often celebrat- 
ed in the scriptures, as in Psalms 104 and 1 15 " O Lord, how manifold are 

thy werks ! in wisdom hast thou made them all the earth is full of thy 

riches so is this great and wide sea, wherein arc things innumerable, both 

small and great ~— -these wait all upon thee, that thou mayest give them thdur 

meat in due season that thou givcst them, they gather : thou openeit thy 

hand they are filled with good." 

The fcriptores also testify, in conformity to this Divine authority, that u 
dominion over the inferior creatures is vested in man by their kind and bene- 
volent 'Maker, it is the duty of man to exercise it with gentieness, -aadnot ii 
a tyrannical manner. I'hus, with an unexampled benignity, in the Savu gives 
to tlie /).'o/»/;- of Lrarl^ and in other parts of the scriptures, this treatment o^ 
inffriur creatures, is expressly enjoined or recommended. Exodas ao, 10— 
23, II. 12-34 i6 — Deut, 34, a6 — Prov. 12, lo—and elsewhere. 



s 



( 305 ) 

Separated nations become acquainted and af- 
fectionate. Benefits are exchanged; industry is 



This peculiar necessity allotted to mm may be rej^arded in .another light. 
It seems, by its frequent recurrence, intended to remind him of his dependence, 
after all his ingenuity and labour, npon the Author of his ciistence, " who 
appointeth the seasons," and ** gireth the increase,** for the continuance of 
that existence ■ to baknce /^/rmi//rurrf bestowed upon him, by drcuni* 

stances constantly tending to inculcate humility and gratitude t o convince 
him by hets, that tbe improvemtnt of bis condition must be in a measure wrought 
out by his ova exertSonai«ad censeq«endy that thi*U» ImmofhU maitan^ that** 
riasom ^side mttr w»i govern hii eoitducU 

All «u ACTiONi ouoit to is as imrocEHT as TBOis bt wmkb mis 

LIPS IS SffSTAINKD. 

If it was not as common u it is, it would be surprising, that reasonable 
creaturet ihonld be inattentive to their entire dependence upon their Crtator* 
By a small alteration in the motions of tbe heavenly bodies, we shonld be de* 
stroyed. History furaiihes several instances that the strength of power* 

f ul nations must fail, in opposition even to insects, when their tribes iHUC forth 
in full force to consume the fruits of the earth. 

If a person bom in a mine, and, it is said,many are, should grow 14) to yean 
of 4i8ci«tion, having never seen any animals eicept a few of his own species, 
any vegetables growing, any light but that of ^prcfaes or candles, or, in short, 
any objects but such as usually present themselves in subterraneous places^-and 
tiMa— «ho«ki be brought out of his gloomy dwelling, we can scarcely imagine, 
his astonishment, on beholding the beauties of earth, the magnificence of the 
lMaveaa,die glories of day, and feelmg the inflnencetof the fun. With bow 
little gratitude is this profusion of blessings received by too many of us. Tbc^ 
abundance and constancy, seem to detract from their value. Objects are scarce- 
ly regaided, that if visible only from one part of this globe, cm: but ooce in a« 
age, wo^ pot mankind in motion to view them, or engage th^ moit ansiosi 
attention to watch for their appearance. 



VOL. II. 



2 P 



( 306 ) 

encouraged ; genius is invigorated ; knowledge is 
diffused ; and general prosperity is promoted. 

TjitSE ARE THE WORKS OF PEACE, 



\ ** The ancieiits chiefly failed in not being able to determine the four cardi- 
nal points, and each of the' intermediate ones, with any tolerable degree of ac- 
curacy. 

** Hie necessity they were under of coattmg along ihe tiketc haTing na cer- 
tain criterion for the North and South poles, made their To'yag^ very timitted. 

** In the day, indeed, they were able to find a meiidian line by the son's riwig 
and setting, and at night the Ursa Major and the fiok star pointed oat the 
North ; but a cloudy sky depiived them of the benefit of this expedient* 

" Another method used by the ancients was, by observing the ditvction they 
had run in ; for, knowing first the course in which they had set out, they kept 
an exact register of the inflections and variations of that course— « me- 
thod equally tedious, perplexed, and precarious, a ftrong current or lonie 
other event, immediately confusing, if not deftroying, the whole fhiiti fd their 
labours. 

"By the application of the loadstone^ and the nice theory of the mteHc^ these 
inconveniences are removed." f 

With such a rude stone, and such a slight piece of metal, were the fbnndati- 
ons of these states laid. May the citizens of them ever sincerely revere the 
principles oifrn HavigoHM, and gratefully remember the providential diipeiui- 
"^ions that gave them an ex i sten ce in this land» for ao many ages concealed by 
the ocean. May they enjoy a proper share in tb& conunerce that it now opeii- 
cd to the inhabitants of the earth ; and may the exertionsof their £artitude» di- 
ligence, and prudence be always made, as they are now, in subaervience to jus- 
tice, humanity, and public-spirit. 



V 



f Mod. Univ. Hist. zi. 372. 



( 307 ) 



(d) ** The principal defects seem to be, 

** 1. The want of a complete discovery by the 
oath of the parties. This each of them is ilow en- 
titled to have, by going through the expense and 
circuity of a court of equity, and therefore it i^ 
sometimes had by consent, even in the courts of 
law. How far such a mode of compulsive exami- 
nation is agreeable to the rights of mankind, and 



If still, the North is to be distracted by almost-perpetual wars, or the South 
desolated in horrid traffic for human flesh : if ftill, myriads are to be massacred 
for the ttlver and the gold of the ^«r/, or the spices and the gems of the 
Eas t i n the mean time may United AmerUa, as a common friend, cultivate, 
as much- u she possibly can, the felicity of mankind. M^y her plough and her 
sail be blessings to nations. May it be her delightful employment, to <* undo 
the heaty burthens— »-«o deal bread to the hungry— *— to cover the naked ' 
t o ndsfy the afflicted soul" — 

This tenor of conduct was tolemblj prescribed to a people formerly, with 
these' gtaddns promises annexed-*" Thy righteousness shall go before thee— 
the glory of the Lord shall be thy rcreward— — 4ie shall satisfy thy soul— — 
and thou shalt raise up the foundations of many generations*'* 

" lleputation will vanish,** says a great historian, " and power must natural- 
ly decline, when men grow wanton with wealth, and employ the gifts of Pro- 
vidence for other purposes than they were designed.** 



( 308 ) 

ought to be introduced in any country, may be 
matter of curious discussion, but is foreign to our 
present inquiries. It has long been introduced and 
established in our courts of equity, not to mention 
the civil law courts : and it seems the height of ju- 
dicial absurdity, that ^n the same cause between 
the same parties, in the examination of the same 
facts, a discovery by the oath of the parties should 
be permitted on one side of Westminster-ball^ and 
denied on the other ; or that the judges of one and 
the same court should be bound by law to reject 
such a species of evidence, if attempted on a trial 
at bar, but, when sitting the next day as a court of 
equity, should be obliged to hear such examina- 
tion read, and to found their decrees upon it. In 
short, within the same country, governed by the 
same laws, such a mode of inquiry should be uni- 
versally admitted, or else universally rejected* 

^^ 2. A SECOND defect is of a nature somewhat si- 
milar to the first : the want of a computeivepower 
for the production of books and papers -belQiigi&g 
'to die parties^ In the hands of third persons they 
can generally be obtained by rule of court,, or by 
adding a clause of requisition to the writ ofsubpes- 
na^ which is then called a subpcena duces Ucum. 
But, in mercantile transactions especially, the:rfiht 
of tlie party's own books is frequently decisiv^Tldf, 
the day-book of a trader, where the transaction 




( 309 ) 

recently entered, as really understood at the time ; 
though subsequent events may tempt him to give 
it a different colour. And, as this evidence may 
be finally obtained, and produced on a trial at law, 
by the circuitous course of filing a bill in equity, 
the want of an original power* for the same purpo- 
ses in the courts of law is liable to the same obser- 
vations as were made on the preceding article, 

*' 3. Another want is that of powers to examine 
witnesses abroad, and to receive their depositions 
in writing, where the witnesses reside, and especi- 
ally when the cause of action arises in a foreign 
country. To which may be added the power of 
examining witnesses that are aged, or going abroad, 
upon interrogatories rf^'^^wf esse ; to be read in evi- 
dence, if the trial should be deferred till after their 
death or departure, but otherwise to be totally sup- 
pressed. Both these are now very frequently ef- 
fected by mutual consent, if the parties are open 
and candid ; and they may also be done indirectly 
at any time, through the channel of a court of equi- 
ty ; but such a practice has never yet been directly 
adopted * as the rule of a court of law. Yet where 
the cause of action arises in India^ and a suit is 
brought thereupon in any of the king's courts at 
Westminster^ the court may issue a commission k> 







( 310 ) 

examine witnesses upon the spot, and transmit th6 
depositions to England, f 

** 4. The administration of justice should not only 
be chaste, but should not even be suspected. A 
jury coming from the neighbourhood is in some 
respects a great advantage ; but is often liable to 
strong objections : especially in small jurisdictionsr, 
as in cities which are counties of themselves, and 
such where assizes are but seldom holdeh; or 
where the question in dispute has an extensive lo- 
cal tendency ; where a cry has been raised, and the 
passions of the multitude- been inflamed ; or where 
one of the parties is popular, and the other a Strang- 
er or obnoxious. It is trtfb that if a whole county 
is interested in the question' Wbe tried, the trial by 
the rule of law J must be in some adjoining coun- ' 
ty : but, as there may be a strict interest so minute 
as not to occasion any bias, so there may be the 
strongest bias without any pecuniary interest. In 
all these cases, to summon a jury, labouring untlet 
local prejudices, is laying a snare for their consci- 
ences : and, though they should have virtue and 
vigour of mind sufficient to keep them upright, the 
parties will grow suspicious, and resort, under va- 
rious pretences, to another mode of trial. . The 
courts of law will therefore in transitory actions 

t Sut. 13. Geo. HI. c. 63. i Stn. 177. 




( 311 ) 

very often change the venue^ or county wherein the 
cause is to be tried : * but in local actions, though 
they sometimes do it indirectly and by mutual con- 
sent, yet to effect it directly and absolutely, the 
parties are driven to a court of equity ; where, up. 
on making out a proper case, it is done upon the 
ground of being necessary to a fair, impartial, and 
satisfactory trial. t £lack. 381, 382, 383, 384. 

The learned judge has in the preceding enume- 
ration omitted one provision of the utmost import- 
ance. That is the selection of Jurymen^ not only 
in cases of " local prejudices'* mentioned by the 
judge, but in all cases, and with such guards^ as 
always to secure impartial juries. 



(tf) A PEOPLE, to preserve their liberty must be of 
a bold and penetrating spirit : not only resentful of 
injuries when felt, and resolute in redressing them, 
but acute in discovering their approach, and active 
in preventing them. Caution is as necessary as 

♦S€epiig.a94. 

** f This among a number of other instances, was the case of the issues direct- 
ed hy the house of lords in the cause between the duke of Devmubirg and the mi- 
ncn o£ the arontj of Ikrbj^ A. D. 1 761. 



( 312 ) 

rigor* They must be upon their guard against their 
own passions and affections. 

Th,e very highest rewards of a free state, should 
be calculated to excite gratitude, and not ambi- 
tion ; and the glory of rulers^ should be to do good 
and to be loved^ This will lead them into a beau< 
tiful uniformity of conduct, and never suffer them 
to lay ambushes for popularity, afterwards to be 
abused for accomplishing unworthy purposes. 

A FiN£ trait of patriotism is exhibited in the cha* 
racter of tlie renowned Sertorius. When banished 
from Romey he would not permit his cruel country 
to be injured by the powerful Mitbridates^ who of- 
fered him the utmost aid then much wanted by him, 
if he would assent to that single condition. 

It refreshes the mind to contemplate such a cha- 
racter ; and the pleasure is increased, when upon 
examination we find it enriched by other amiable 
qualities. This intrepid hero, consummate gene* 
raL, and eminent statesman, was of a temper so mild 
and tenderly affectionate, that he almost expined 
with grief, as Plutarch tells us, on hearing of his 
mother's death. All virtyes of public and private 
life are related. 

*.* ..suiY 



^litH 



( 313 X 



(/) A modern instance of a similar kind presents 
itself in Poland. That country is now mourning 
under the effects of frequent wars, the depression 
of one part of the community by another, a tumul- 
tuary government, and the ferocity of factions.f 



f <* Afirkrn sMitess mii toRtude prevail almost t&roBgh the whole eitcnt wit^ 
few symptoms of an inhabited, and still less of a civilized country, though our 
journey was made in the high road, which in a course of 150 English miles 
unites Cracow and fTanaxo, the two most noted cities of the kingdom." 

Cox*s travels, I. aoo. 

A fiiint idea may be formed of the excesses committed in Poland^ from the fol- 
lowing extracts, taken frofn public proceedings. The destruction of lives, , 
and the variety of wretchedness, are too afflicting to be particularized. Some 
few years ago, that kingdom contained, as it was computed, about ^/«rff mil- 
Imu of inhabitants. 

"The confederation of Xadom in 1767, projected a dethronement— sent 
ambassadors into Hussia, to demand the ^aran/^r of a new form ofgovertment~— 

^ That confederation not finding its wiA accomplished at the expence of 
the kifig, discarded immediately the designs of J?irf/w— -and Muttia, seeing 
herself crossed by those very men who catted fir her aid, caused four of its 
members to be dragged out of the ftiiddle of the diet--*— 

'« the ctefedention of Bar^ in z 768, consisting almost of the same persons 
Wbo coiAposed that of JUdomt set out with intereefting the revermts and domains 
y£ the king— •— 'aad decreed his death by an authentic a«ft now on record— 



vol-, lit .2 Q 



( 314 ) 

Unhappy people! surrounded by dangers 

possessed at least of freedom enough to disgust 



** Finally our civil dissensions presented to our neighbours ^the UU 

of ourjirtt dumem6erment'''-^(^ in 1 7 7 » ; • 

*< In i773,on the memorable tenth of Jtf/^, the advice in opposition t« mine, 
obtained only a majority of /our vote* 

" In 17S8, 1 resisted for nuuiy months the cbamges^ of which tve mw expert' 
enee the dreadful contefuemce* 

**■ My speech of March the fifteenth, 1 790, is in evtry one's hands— It then 
pleased the diet, against my advice, unanimously to decree a new alliance, the 
inadvertency of which w« now depUre,* 

Speech of the king q( Poland to the diet, Augttsi lOth, X793* 

The following extracts of a letter from a Pole of great distinction to the writer 
of this Essay, may perhaps be acceptable. 

"29th NovemierytjZ$. 
** I have been constantly on the wing since T \eh you, my mind occupied bj 
objects, and my body tired by the fatigues of travelling. I congratulate yoo 
on the ^ri//xi& troops having evacuated Nevh-Tork — But now, that you are 
perfectly quiet, and mafters of your own abodes, what will you do ? what will 
be your political views ? what will be your domestic conduct ? how hx will 
your reciprocal jealousies extend ? who will have powers to atop them }— >Thit 
public spirit, which distinguished you during the course of the revofaition, will 
it last long against the pro^erity of commerce, and the luxury^ that ever at- 
tends it, and ag^st the inainuationft of enemies that would £mde 70a ?— 1 de- 
dare now to you, that I think there does not exist a country that can vie with 
you in flourishing projects. I know there is not one where man is inore firec, - 
or where fortunes are more equal. In travelling through the remote parts of 
your continent, t learn how to compare the lives of ybnr farmers to those 'of the 
patriarchs. It is there that misery discovers the golden age. ' And • potf 
Europemn finds means in settling there to change his slavery for li|Mrtf , Im 
wants for ease. Scarcely he lives two years, but his ideas aUrp^ lie bcGSOMl 
man, and almost citizen he is forced to quit his habitiides» hk 



( 315 ) 

monarchs refusing to take warning from the 

misconduct and misery of others resolved to 

seek for future improvements of uncertain issue, by 
violent experiments of positive evil upon their pre- 
sent condition trusting in the dispositions of 

strangers whom they ought to have suspected, and 
inflamed with rage against fellow- citizens whom 



aadevat h'u viees^ and to take the setdimenti and virtues nfbh neigUours. Yes, 1 have 
there seen the subjects formerly of a bishop think freely on religion, and heard 
the natives of — — - reason. 

*< lliese are the notions I have formed of your continent — If you have the 
goodness to relieve me in my doubts, you will add new favours to your former 
kindness. A* I have always my cotmiry in sights I go begging every where in- 
itractiaofl, not for my satisfaction b ut t$ ke abU U fiUJUboHomraUy one day 
4erjf task of citizen* 

" When I tlunk, dear sir, that with three millions of people, without money, 
yoo have shaken off the yoke of a people like England, and have acquired such 
extensive territory— —-and that Poland has suffered herself to be robbed of five 
millions of souls, and a vast country— — 1 ask— ^what can be the reason of 
this difference? 

'* But whilst we wait to recover our rights have a care to pieservc yours, and 

remember always that maxim of Cicero ^^respublica res ist popdli— — 

cum autem injustus ipse populus, non jam vitiosa, sed omnino nulla respublica 
cat" 

** If the state of my country remains always the same, I will say to my coun' 

trymen come, pass over the seas, and insure to your children liberty and 

property. If my countrymen do not listen to mc, I will say to mj family 

come. If my family refuse, I will go by myself and die free with yon. 

** Yet, though I shall be happy to see you, as that supposition is founded on- 
ly on the bad Sortniie of my country, may you never see again your friend." 




( 316 ) I 

they ought to have loved — ^as if they had been 1 
excited and impelled by their crafty cfuel enemiea 
to accomplish their insidious and ambitious de- 
signs, they rushed into civil discord ^and when^ 

dreadfully instructed by the fatal consequences of 
their imprudence, they turned to better thoughts-^ 
it was too late 

In vain did fraternal affection and generous sen- 
timent, in all the sympathies dearest to the humail 
heart, re-unite them; in vain did sound policy devise 
a new constitution with other salutary measures, and 
heroic valour instantly step forth armed to support 
them ; in vain they appealed to immemorial rights 
of territorj", again and again solemnly recognized 
by almost all Europe ; to treaties religiously re- 
peated through a long succession of ages ; to so* 
vereigns bound by every just consideration to aid 

them- but they strove to be free. In such 

courts, the offence was unpardonable. There they 

were adjudged guilty of virtue and were ac- 

cording ly condemned. 

" Yet, thy proud lords, unpitied land ! shall see 
** That man hath still a soul, and dare be free ; 
" A little while J along thy saddening plains, 
** The starless night of desolation reigns ; 
*' Truth shall restore the light by nature given, 
^* And like Promotheiis^ bring the fire of Heaven: 



( 317 ) 

Prone to the dust oppref^ion shall be hurPd, 
Jts name, its nature, perishM from the yorld.** 

Pleasures of hope. 



{g) Most of the bodily weaknesses and diseases 
observable in civilived nations would be avoided, if 
they lived more agreeably to the established order 
of things. 

There is a certain sanctity in human nature, 
that cannot be violated with impunity. If we pay 
a due homage to her sacred laws, we shall be well 
rewarded for our fidelity. Health and freedom 
are the inestimable boons she offers. In the volume 
of her works, the wisdom of morality is perpetually 
inculcated. 

The adorable Author of our existence has shewn 
more kindness to mankind, than they have shewa 
to one another, or even each to himself. 

If the sufferings inflicted by wicked men, espe- 
cially wicked men holding power they never ought 
to be allowed, and those inflicted by our own intern* 
peratc passions, be removed, physical evils as they 




( 318 ) 

are called, permitted no doubt for wise purposes, 
would but slightly affect the sum of human happU 
nes6« 



(b) When poverty is thought contemptible by a 
nation, wealth is become with that nation more esti- 
mable than religion and virtue* A truly wretched 
state ! 

By poverty is not barely meant a destitution of 
the necessaries or conveniences of life, but also a 
condition, in which the enjoyments attached to it 
are thought mean and contemptible by the rich. 

This disposition is as replete with evils, as the 
box of Pandora is said to have been. 

Imaginary or artificial wants are insatiable.* 
A rage for being distinguished by vain expence 
breaks out ; and so contagious is the taint of bad 



* Pluiareb tells us, that the friend of Sco^ai a rich fbessaUan atked hiin fiw % 
piece of furniture, which he judged to be wholly useless to the pooetiaryW be- 
ing quite superfluous. '*Thou art mistaken, my friend," answered Saftu; 
^ the supreme happiness of our lives consists in those things which tbott fslkit . 
superfluous, not in those which thou callest necessaries.** 




( 319 ) 

example^ that, notwithstanding the. plausible cal- 
culations of the sordid profits to be drawn from in- 
dulged excesses, it is very desirable, that it may be 
tnaturely considered, whether the mischief may be 
so far checked by laws, as to allow time for giving 
a better direction to manners* 

Industry and frugality are national benefits* A 
taste for ostentatious Ihing often leads to overtrad- 
ing, speculating, gaming, fraudulent dealing, bank- 
ruptcy, and wide-spreading destruction to multi- 
tudes of innocent families* Fenality too frequently 
follows loss of character and property. Thus the 
number of worthless and dangerous citizens is in- 
creased, and every eminent free state that has exist- 
ed has felt the deep wounds inflicted by such pa- 
ricidal hands. '^ Hence," says lord chancellor Ba- 
cofij *• arose that observation of Lucan concerning 
the condition of the Roman empire a little before 
the civil war — 

** Hinc usura vorax, rapidumque in tempore foenus, 
** Hinc concussa fides, et multis utile bellum — — 

" That very thing,'' multis utile bellum f is a cer- 
tain indication of a state's being disposed to tumults 
sind convulsions." 

t « War useful to many." 




S^jt-^^^AHJ" 



( 320 ) ' 

There is another class of citizens, that had been 
found too redundant in every free state. They 
are men so composed of meanness and pride, that 
basely contented if they can at once be slaves and 
tyrants, they will give their own servitude as the 
price for purchasing domination over others—— 

f * Dominationis in alios servitium suum mercedem 
dant" . Saiiust. 

But to this catalogue of evils still remains to be 
added, that fatal one produced also by luxury— an 
effeminacy growing from habitual indulgeuces* that 
renders a people unable to bear the fktiguea of 

war. 

. In armies of such men there is always a W^Xkt of 
proper alertness. The neighbourhood of an eiie- 
my cannot rouse them to any spirit of eDt^rpriae. 
A reluctance against exertion of mind Of body 
prevails. Their hearts are languishing after gen- 
tier occupations ; and thes^ they imitate^ as well as 
they can in camp. 

At last, when compelled to engage, they arc 
thinking of many things besides fightings aftd if 
they run away to avoid wounds that might injure 
their features, they have a celebrated example in 
the Roman beaus zX, Pharsalia^ for saving their fa- 
ces by losing their liberty. 



( 321 ) 



l-ttH 



(i) ** Now let me appeal to your lordships, as to 
men o£ enlarged and liberal minds, who have been 
led by your office and rank to the study of history. 
Can you find in the long succession of ages, in the 
whole extent of human affairs, a single instance, 
where distant provinces have been preserved in so 
flourishing a state, and kept at the same time in 
such due subjection to the mother country ? My 
lords, there is no instance ; the case never exist- 
ed before. It is perhaps the most singular pheno- 
menon in all civil history, and the cause of it well 
deserves your serious consideration. The true 
cause is, that a mother country never existed be- 
fore, who placed her natives and her colonies on 
the same equal footing ; and joined with them in 
fairly carrying on one common interest. 

You ought to consider this, my lords, not as a 
mere historical fact, but as a most important and 
invaluable discovery. It enlarges our ideas of the 
power and energy of good government beyond 
all former examples ; and shews that it can act 
like gravitation, at the greatest distances. It proves 
to a demonstration, that you may have good sub- 

VOL. II. 2 R 




( S22 ) 

jccts in the remotest corners of the earth, if you 

will but treat them with kindness and equity.'* 

*' By your old, rational, and generous administrati- 
on, by treating the Americans as your friends and 
fellow-citizens, you made them the happiest of Ihe 
human kind ; and at the sanie time drew from 'them 
by commerce, more clear profit than SpaiH has 
drawn from all her mines ; arid their 'gtowiiig^nutfl- 
bers were a daily increasing addition' ^o 'your 
strength" * Met them continue to enjoy the li- 
berty our fathers gave Ihem. Gave them, did I 
say ? They are co-heirs of liberty with oiirselves ; 
and their portion of the inheritance hiis be^n much 
better looked after than burs. Suffer" them a little 
longer to enjoy that short period oi public integrity 
and domestic happiness^ which seems to be the por- 
tion allotted by Providence to young rising states. 
Instead of hoping, that their constitution may re- 
ceive improvement from our skill in "governmentj 
the most useful wish I can form in their favour is, 
that HEAVEN may long preserve tbemjrom our vi- 
ces and our politics. — • We ought to cherish 

them as the heirs of our better days, of our old 

arts and manners, and of our expiring national 

virtues. With your permission, my lords, I will 

waste one short argument more on the same cause, 
one that I own I am fond of, and which contains in 
it, what I think, must affect every generous' mind. 
My lords, I look upon North- Aau rica as" the only 



( . 323 ) 

great nursery of freemen now left upon the face of 
the earth. 

" Let us be content with the spoils and the des- 
truction of the East. If your lordships see no im- 
propriety in it, let the plunderer and the oppressor 
still go free. But^ let not the love of liberty be the 
only crime you think worthy of punishment, I fear, 
we shall soon make it a part of our national charac> 
tcr, to ruin every thing that has the misfortune to 
depend upon us.-~~If the tendency of this bill is, 
as I own it appears to me, to atiquire a power of go- 
verning them by influence and corruption ; in the 
first place, my lords, tins is not true government^ 
but a sophisticated kind which counterfeits the ap- 
pearance, but IV i thou t the spirit or virtue of the 
true : and then, as it tends to debase their spirits 
and corrupt their manners, to destroy all that is 
great and respectable. in so considerable a part of 
the human species, and by degrees to gather them 
together with the rest of the world under the yoke 

of universal slavery 1 think, for these reasons, 

it is the duty of every wise man, of every honest 
man, and of every Englishman^ by all lawful means 
to oppose it.'* Bishop of St. Asaphy 




( 324 . ) 



(k) A LANDED interest widely diffused among, 
the mass of a people, by the personal virtues of 
honest industry, fair dealing, and laudable frugali- 
ty, is thQ firmest foundation that can bie laid, for 
the secure establishment of civil liberty and nation^ 
al independence. Requisite arts, useful manufac- 
tures, and advantageous commerce, naturally grow 
up from such an establishment. 

The enlightened genius of Virgil^ in describing 
the felicities of ancient Italy ^ rests the whole oh 
these circumstances 

/* Terra — potens armis atque tihere glehne — 
*^ Powerful m armed sons and fertile soil,'* 

By the policy of Henry the sevenlii of England^ 
in order to strengthen himself against the nobility,* 
the acquisition of property in lauds by the com- 
mons was facilitated. 

His selfish motives produced public benefits. — 
By this distribution a new vigor was communicat- 
ed, and soon manjifested itself by an amelioratiofi: 




( S25 ) 

n the condition of the nation. Marriage was en- 
couraged ; population increased ; a spirit of person- 
il independence cherished ; trade arid navigation 
idvanccd ; and in a very short time English disco- 
veries were extended to this side of the Atlantic. 

In consequence of the vast fortunes accumulated 
by the excessive profits of offices, inordinate com- 
[nerce, corrupt contracts, and '* the blood of Africa 
md the tears of Htndostan transmuted into gold," 
the lands of England are now and have been for se- 
veral years past reverting into a few hands, as they 
were held in the times of feudality, but without 
the attachments of that system ; and without such 
attachments by tenantry, as the prudence and bene- 
volence of land-lords might form. At the same 

timcy the la^u^s and prevailing practices ^hsivt 2i 
tendency to diminish the number of her yeoman- 
ry, that truly respectable and by far the most im- 
portant class of the people. 

Of this unwise and repulsive behaviour they 
will feel the consequences. 

To such conduct Aristotle ascribes the ruin of 
Sparta. He lived only about sixty years iifier Ly- 



f ** Vpragines— — fcmorls, moaopolJonim, ct lati fandionixn in pascjia con- 

vcrsonun, et simillum." — The tvbirlpooU of loans ^ monopolies — and the cLange of 

fstnm mt^pattttri grnmds, and the like, 

Francisci Saconi sermoncs fidcles —71— 



( 326 ) 

sandcr^ who by the conquest of Athene had intro- 
duced prodigious wealth into his country. 

The rich men became the engrossers of the 
lands, and the militia were thereby so reduced io 
number, that the same territory which formerly 
supplied fifteen hundred horse and thirty thousand 
foot well-armed, could not in Aristotle^ siimc furnish 
one thousand. 

Such is frequently the reaction of short- sights 
ed and hard-hearted selfishness, in national as well 
as in private affairs. 

It is not meant by what has been said, to conb 
mend the feudal system. 

That system armed the vassals ^9 much to 
gratify the passions of their superiors, as to protect 
the country. It was replete with discord, oppres- 
sion and rapine. The principle of the Anglo-sax- 
(7n government was much preferable, as this armed 
the people for national defence, and not for the pur- 
poses of pride, ambition, or any intemperate de- 
sires. 

The importance of such a landed interest as has 
been described, is not to be estimated merely on 
account ofits immediate relation to general,. ^(i^« 




C 327 ) 

It is also of high moment with respect to mo- 
rals^ as rural employments have a natural tendency 
to promote simplicity of manners, a love of peace, 
public order, and private tranquillity. 

The cultivation of the earth, its returns for the 
skill and labour bestowed upon it, the varieties and 
properties of its products, the contribution of the 
elements under a superintending Providence to 
these benefits, the changes of seasons and their ef- 
fects, the beautiful alterations of scenery made by 
xurt surrounding the designer with a sort of creati- 
on- by his own hands, an acquaintance with the se-' 
veral kinds and qualities of animals, and the gradu- 
al * improvement of circumstances by the regular 
application of industry to the honest acquisition of 
necessaries and conveniences, all conspire, by ha- 
bit and reflection, the pleasures of the understand- 
ing mingling with attentions to laborious employ- 
ments,to render a farmer at the same time a kind 
of philosopher ; by his domestic comforts to extend 
the circle of social enjoyments ; till by continual 
enlargement it embraces his country^ enclosing 
all the heart-felt ties of relatives, friends, neigh- 
bours, and fellow-citizens. Public happiness ari- 
ses from private virtue. 

** " The mind of nun i% more rdfreihed a|id exhilarated Vy hit going forward 
in HoaU things, than by standing still in great." 

Lord chancellor Bacon^ sermones fidelcs. 



( 328 ) 



(/) ** The seeds of war are chiefly sown by those 
whose wisdom and moderation, characteristic of 
their rank atid station, ought to compose and as- 
suage the impetuous passions of the multitude. 

"The people, despised as they are, are the ve- 
ry persons who originally raise great and fair cities 
to their proud eminence ; who conduct the com- 
mercial business of them entirely ; arid, by their 
excellent management fill them with opuletice. 

*' Into these cities, after they are raised and en- 
riched hy plebeians^ creep the satraps snidgrandecs^ 
like so many drones into a hive ; pilfer what was 
earned by the industry of others ; and thus, what 
was accumulated by the labor of the inany^ is dis- 
sipated by the profligacy of the few; and what 
was built by plebeians on upright foundations, is 
levelled to the ground by cruelt)^ and royal or pa- 
trician injustice. 

" If the military transactions of old tiiBe-ii^ 
not worth remembrance, let him who can lieak<^||Ht. 




( 329 ) 

loathsome employ, only call to mind the wars of the 
last twelve years ; let him attentively consider the 
causes of them all, and he will find them all to 
have been undertaken for the sake of kings : all of 
them carried on with incalculable detriment to the 
people ; while, in most instances, the /»^(];p/^ had not 
the smallest concern in their origin. or their issue. 

^^ But, among christians^ as if shame had fled 
from earth, clergymen^ solemnly consecrated to 
Grod, are often among the^r^r to inflame the minds 
of both king and people, to blood and devasta- 
tion. Preachers^ the guides of ourlives, do not 

blush, to become the instigators^ the y try firebrands 
of war, against which Christy from whom they all 
pretend to derive all the authority they can have, 
expressed his utter detestation. 

" A very few years ago, when the world labour- 
ing under a deadly fever, was rushing headlong to 
arms, the gospel trumpeters blew a blast from the 
pulpit and inflamed the wretched kings o{ Europe 
to a paroxism, running as they were fast enough of 
themselves, into a state of downright insanity. 

" Th£ reverend fathers forgetting their per- 
sonal and professional dignity, were continual- 
ly adding virulence to the disease of the world, by 

▼OL. XI. 2 S 



(( ^30 ^) 

their mischievous officiousness and^ in the 

mean time failed not to call their blood-tbirsty ragf, 

a zeal for law^ order ^ and religion. iTaforwaijl 

their sanguinary purpo§es, they wrest the lnws iff 
heaven to a constructive meaning never, iate/jfl^, 
they misinterpret the writings of good men^ they 
'misquote ^nd misrepresent the sa.cre,d scriptures, I 
do not say, with the most barefaced impudence on- 
ly, but with the. most blasphemous impiety, - Nay, 
matters are come to such a. pass, that it is deemed 
Tpolisli and wicked to open one's niouth againsf 
warj'or to venture a syWdblQ in praise of peacc-r 
the constant theme oi Christ^ s eulogy.-Trrr-JHe i> 
thought to be ill-affected to the kingy and even to 
pay but little regard to the people^s mtercstj who 
recommends what is of all things in the world the 
hlost salutary, to both king and people, or dissuades 
from that which, without exception, is the most 
destructive. 

" If it be true, that christians are members cf 
one body, how happens it, that every christian doea 
not sympathize and rejoice in every other Christianas 

welfare. N'onvy however it seems to be cause 

enough to commence " a just and necessary war^^^ 
that a neighbouring land is in a more prosperous, 
flourishing or free condition than your own. For if 
you can but prevail upou yourselves to speak th^r^al 
trutbj what, I ask, has excited, and what continpes 



( 331 ) 

ittdiis very 'day to excite, ,so many combined fxmers^ 
^dtdrtesthe fifth; Henry the cigiitli, fee.) agimst 
v/^i^^^; tiitless it be, that it is the finest and happi- 
BSf ^oMtiry in Europe. 

*' Men, in our times, go out of their way 'to 
«ek occasions for war, and whatever makes for 
*XACE, they rundown in t\i€iv sophistical speechesy 
MT'cVen basely conceal from the public : but, what- 
5ver tends to promote their favourite war system^ 
Jlcy industriously exaggerate and inflame, not 
scrupling to propogate lies of the most mischiey- 
€UTkindy false or garbled intelligence, and the gros- 
seat Ihisrepresentation of the enemy. I am asham- 
edto relate what real and dreadful tragedies they 
found on these vile trifles. 

" After all the pretences j thrown out and the ar- 
tifices used to irritate the people, there often lurks 
in the bosoms of kings some private, mean and self- 
ish motive, which is to force their subjects to take 

Up weapons for slaughter setting their wits to 

ivork, to invent some fictitious but plausible occa- 
sion for a rupture. 

** I BLUSH to record, upon how infamously fri'oo- 
ious causes, the world has been roused to arms by 
christian kings. One of them has found or forged 
an obsolete musty parchment, on which he makes a 



( 332 ) 

claim to a neighbouring territory: as if it signjjir 
ed a strav) to mankind^ thus called upon to shed 
blood) who is the person or what iht family of the 
ruler whoever be be, provided he governs in such a; 
manner, as to consult and promote the public feli- 
city. 

** Another alledges, that some punctilio, in a 
treaty of a hundred articles, has been infringed or 
neglected. 

i 

•* A THIRD owes a neighbouring king^ vl secret 
grudge J on 3. private account, because he has marri- • 
edsome princess, whom he intended to be his con- 
sort, or uttered some sarcasm that reflects upon his 
royal person or character. 

** But, what is the basest and most flagitious 
conduct of all, there are crowned beads [and some- 
times uncrowned beads are as vile] who finding^ 

tbeir own power weakened by the union of the peo- ■ 
pie, and strengthened by their division j contrive to 
excite war without any substantial reason for a rup- 
ture ; merely to break the national concord, and 
pillage the oppressed people with impunity. 

** There are infernal agents enough who fatten 
on the plunder of the people, and have little todo^ui''.{ 
state affairs during the time of peace, who 




( 333 ) 

manage to bring about the nvisbedfor rupture and 
embroil an unoffending^ people in a war with an un- 

offending neighbour. Degraded wretches!-: 

Great, only by the abuse of greatness ! Fools in 

every thing, but the art of doing mischief! 

Unanimous in nothing, but in defrauding and op- 
pressing the public ! 

"Yet, wretches and fools as they are, they arc 
called christians^ and have the impudence to go to 

church pests of mankind, deserving to be trans* 

ported out of civil society, and carried with convicts 
to the remotest islands of the ocean, in exile/or life. 

"Do you desire to take royal revenge on a crown- 
ed head in your vicinity, who has presumed to re- 
fuse your daughter in marriage, or repudiated her 
after marriage, (alluding to events in the age of 
Erasmus) what is that to the welfare of the people ? 
How is it, in the smallest degree, a business of the 
state, of the community at large ? Yet, for as trif- 
ling causes as this, what scenes of happiness in 
all the walks of private life, among all the tender 
relations of parents, husbands and children, have 
been destroyed ? 

** By the intermarriages of ki7igs and their pro- 
geny, and the claims of succession which thence 
arise, a ms^n born in Ireland may come to reign in 



{[ 334. ), 

tl\c Mas t- Indies ; and another, who was a king !&•: 
Syria J may, all of a sudden, start up an ItaJi&n* 
prince. 

*' We plainly see, that hitherto nothing ha& been 
effectually done towards permanent peace by trea- • 
ties, no good end answered by royal intermarria- 
gesj neither by violence, nor by revenge. 

'* Now, then it is time to pursue different mea^' ^ 
sures ; to try the experiment^ what a peaceable dis- - 
position, and a desire to do acts of friendship and\ 
kindnessy can accomplish in promoting nationd-^' 
amity. 

''Firm and permanent peace is not to be secured 
by marrying one royal family to another^ nor by 
treaties and alliances, for from these very family 
connections, treaties and alliances, we see wars ' 
chiefly originate. No ! the fountains, from which ^ 
the streams of this e^oil flow, must be cleansed*. It 
is from the corrupt passions of the human hearty ■ 
that the tumults of war arise. 

I AM speaking all along of those wars which 
christians wage with christians^ on trifling and un- 
justifiable occasions. I think very differently of 
wars bona fide just and necessary ; such as are ■ ' 
in a strict sense of these words, purely defensive^ 



.( 535 ) 

such asjwith an honest and affectionate zeal for the 
country, repel the violence of invaders^ and at the 
hazard of life preserve the public tranquillity.^'* 
' £rasmus^s ** Compel aint ojf a»EACE,'*published 
. atithe beginning of the sixteenth century. 

Tho' the preceding note is extracted from a 
work . published near three hundred yevurs ago, yet 
such is the uniform succession of royal and patri- 
cinti follies and vices, that the observations as ex- 
actly suit our times, as they did those in which the 
excellent author originally addressed them, to the 
*oivil and ecclesiastical disturbers and oppressors of 
ihe world. 

The hearts of modern rulers, like those of their 
predecessors, confident in their enormous power 
established by prejudices, superstitions and stand- 
ing armies, easily catch fire from the spirit of am- 
bition, pride, and rapine, and the flame being fan- 
ned and spread by their elevated situation and con- 
current circumstances, peace, mercy, liberty, mo- 
rals and happiness perish in the conflagration. 

Nor should we wonder at the regularity with 
which these instances of madness and wickedness 
recur in such rulers'; for, their education is ge- 
nerally worse than that of persons in lower stations 



( 336 ) 

. of life : and will be always so, as long as the saMde 
systems of government continue. 

In taking a survey of human calamities, we may 
observe an addition of immeasurable extent made 
to them by one cause, which, it is surprizing, that 
the common sense and natural feelings of niankind, 
have not long since extirpated from earth. 

The intermarriages of royal and princely f ami' 
lies J ivitJb the pretensions deri'oed from tbem^ are 
here intended. Sometimes a prince becjfueiathed 
his subjects, a whole nation, as a private permn 
would a herd of cattle, and the people submitted 
to such bequest. 

If the blood and miseries that have flowed in 
different countries and ages from this deleterious 
source, the effects of which are still fejt in the 
world, could be represented to our view, wc 
should turn with amazement and horror from the 
hideous sight. ■' 

To mention only a few instances out of a great 
number 't let us only recollect the fatal consequences 
of the claims of Edward the third and Henry the 
fifth to the crown of France ; of the houses of Tork 
and Lancaster to the crown of England; of Charles 
the fifth and Francis the first to Milan and Niaples ;. 



I 



\ 



( 337 ) 

of the duke of Anjou lind the arch»duke Cbar.Us to 
the Spanish dominions ; of the king of Prus^iai 
the elector of Bavariay and others, to portions of 
the territories that had been poiisessed by the exn<> 
peror Char Us, the sixth ; and of the contest be^ 
tween the houses o{ Mrunsiouk and Stuart for the 
\Briusb throne. 



(n) Nothing can be more evident and more in- 
^mous, than the ambition and duplicity with which 
the combined powers have acted in regard to 
Fhawce. 

*♦ Towards the dose of the summer of 1791, 
an c«raofd!nary convention todk place at Pilnitz f 
iti Saxony, between the emperor Leopofd, and rfife 
^prtietitl^gbt Prussia J between ttrhom, as princi- 
pds, a treaty was formed, to which other powers 
are supposed to have afterwards acceded. The pro^- 
fes^d cfeject of this treaty- w^s sufficiemly profli- 
gate and atrocious. It was the hostile invasion 
of France and the new modelling of its govern- 



t'TUe flinty dl/'MM Mid diat of ./>S£rate~,Mdt^^ tt 

.MaidmMt #cre ib^^oKd to be Io-**^Um Mine pit|Mii0. 

VOL* 11* • * . fi T 



( 338 ) 

mcnt. In his circular letter from Pdvia^ of the 6tli 

oi July^ the emperor had avowed a similar intenti* 

on^ and had invited the princes o{ Europe to co-ope- 

rate with him in the resistance to those principles 

60 obnoxious to arbitrary authority^ which had 

pervaded France^ and which threatened to extend 

over the whole face of Europe. .The league of 

Pilnitz, however, in which the empress of Russia 

is also to be considered as principally concerned, is 

generally supposed to have had more extensive 

views, and to have involved projects still more 

offensive, if possible, to the dictates of . justice, 

and to the peace of Europe. The partition of 

France as well as of Poland^ or at least of a Qonsi- 

dcrable portion of the territories of both, among tbe 

confederated powers, and a new modelling of the 

Germanic circles, are strongly suspectcjl to have 

been the real principles upon which this, infanxous 

compact was founded. Dark and mysterious ^ 

the conduct of the allied courts has be^ relative 

to the substance of the conference, the imjirudeqce 

of some of the inferior agpnts has dropped occasl^ 

onal intimations which can leave little doubt of the 

criimnality of their Resigns. . , . . j ^ . , . 

" Considering, however, the convention of 
^ilnifz ift the most, favourable point pt,yjfeV;»;.suid 
accepting the explanation of its .fxpfefis.fF^mers, 
the praceedipg is sufilcigntly unjust an4 e^si}^^* to 




( 339 > 

warrant *the most udqualified censure; If any thing 
on^earthfis ssLcred^it is the domestic ccanimy of 
bctb niaticms and individuals. In private life the 
iniquity of interfering in a hostile manner in the in« 
ternal state of household concerns of a neighbour, 
krifelt and-acknojivledgedby alllnankind. Are then 
the. rights of nationhj .to 'be accounted less sacred 
than\ those of private citizens? Are the lives of 
xnilliona, who must fall on both sides in such a con^ 
tost^. of less consequence than the poverty or anxie-r 
ty'<9f individuals. But this is not the worst ; the 
pnaciple, if once admitted^ is subversive of every 
right, and necessarily sanctions every crime that can 
be!e:&mmitted against society. . It sanctions robbery 
9tod murder.^' / ■ .. 

^ ** FatAircE:, at the momeiit when this royal baa-t 
ditti were^plotting against her peace, ni^i^t b^lsaid 
literally to be in a state of internal tranquillity.^^ 

^iTBi^Stidesigns of the coalesced, powefs ace s&tffi- 
ciehtly -explained! by amhsequent eycnts^ 

> <*'In .1793, general -Dwminiir/Vr entered iBto..an 
agreement with the prince of Saxe Cobourg^ com- 
mander df the forces of the combined powers^ '' tn 
Co-operate in giving, to /'r^w^? her eonstitutional 
king, and the constitution she formed for herself . 
On his word, of bong^r> th«^firicice pledged himself^ 



thatihe wdiild not come iiponftlio FrencA ttrntaxy 
to make conquests, but sbldy, for the «nds .above 
sffecified.?' He published a proclamation conforAv« 
ahie. to tbis; declaration. . -i : :< j/'\[ 

,..;-.■.. , ...;:; ' .^" ■ . j ?- r'.c 'ii.l ^.', 

r:;SDirs few days afterwards; ^-A congfrdss: of. the 
bepresentatives o£ the combined powers was assent 
bled B.vJntwcrp'^thc^ duke of Tork and lord Auci^* 
land were present om^ thiQ^p&A of .Greai'£:ftiidim 
The particulars of what passed on this importtuott 
occasion have not yet traaspijfed — ^^^we only kimw^^ 
t}iat ' it was resolved to commignce a plan .of Jtctive 
operation against France. The ^rinc^ b£ Coik^urg^ 
was 6pmpelled to unssiy atl that he had setibrlfh 
with so much solemnity, in his proclaihatioaof tlM 
5th — and a scheme of conquest was formally an- 
ncoiiced m a new proclamation, which was- issifed 
by tb^ san^e ^general pn the dth pf the san^e month.'* 

*^ It was obvious, that so impolitic a step could 
hsnos no other tendency, than to desticey Jail eonfi- 
dence in the professions of thC'^altiedftaiPers.*'* '■, 

: A £ r thoir proceedings ^wkre diiiec^d by th« same 
iMidiou^^ 4ind basely selfish policyi. *^ If we obaeqnt 
the conduct, ':' says an iexoellent Bridsh vniktr^ 
^^<tf those princes with respect to^f^land^ it will 



t Hr^ AB|nya'R«gk|fcclp flir *f9J, ^tf^ v^»- M. 



( 341 ) 

rfHbrd tlie fiih^est coinnient on their motives with 
respect t6^Fram:e.^^f 

They frequently published proclamatiens to de- 
ceive, divide, and distract the French nation, but 
aff of tHeni 'diat5^(irdent and iBJurioAs.- Theyndier 
JbefiFdiit a 'iingle 'plan of adcomnibdathn. \¥hil$ 
thiey'^i^^ert* '^tfivhig to confound the public mindi 
thei|rytefidirjr^l&^ intariafely pursued their original 
dit!^^ 'oP'iA^^^w^mrtg^the kingdom, and then 
cstablishnig a e^fj&<?/iV wrtWorrrAy upon ltd vpretchi. 
cd'debris/ 

; :./' » ■ .J !...:■ 

BWrcEthietie letters were first published, a trea* 
tisedalfed' *^The Politieal State of £ut'4pa ^tht 
beginning of -1796, *' has hetn received. 

T»E author, Col^nne^ late minister of the finan- 
ces of France^ under Lewis XVI. whose hopes 
entirely rest on the restoration of monarchy, a 
writer of extensive information and eminent ta- 
lents, a! vehfemcnt enemy of French republicanisfm, 
and as warm a friend to the coalesced powers, as* 
cribes'^ve'bad' *uoc€«s of their measures to the 
weakly — selfish, cru*l 4nd provoking outrages of 
the coiifederates. He employs fnany pages on this 



f KewjAomnilHiegitteh for iJ9%t |>a8< iMw 



( 342 ) 

subject. The following quotation may be suffici- 
ent to shew the iniquity of their proceedings : it 

is from that part which he entitles ^^^ intentions 

that were mani/ested.^^ , . . • 

^^ Wfi shall not hesitate to disctosq what xio 
pains have been taken to conceal : ^ tl^rona was to 
be re-established^ and its fall has diffused an- appa- 
rent satisfaction ; an ostentatious desirryi^s shewn 
of retrieving^ but soon was e\\nceA;<f^emaniJcst 
purpose of dismembering the empire; those, who 
announced themselves as auxiliaries, soon betiave^ 
as invaders; oppression was to be opposed, and 
unblushing examples of iX were given ; the world , 
was scandalized by a ferocious rapacity^ when it 
was of so much importance that it should be edi- 
fied by singular acts of justice : and a war, which 
ought to have been a M^ar of general interest^ of 
honour 2cnA generosity^ is become a war of aggran*, 
dizement^ selfishness^ and illiberal vievus. 

** We cannot be decvised of exaggerating what 
we should wish to pallitte ; or of arraigning, by 
rash suppositions, the various int^ntijons of the ca^ 
binets of Europe: we only speak of appearances-: 
of appearances that have manifested themselves to 
every understanding by facts of public notoriety ; 
first, by equivocal proclamations^ whose ever-vary- 
ing complexion httr2iytA^ a piirposevery different 



( 343 ) 

frdm their ostensible spirit; and where the words 
pi pledge i^\A indemnity but imperfectly veiled more 
fxtauded vieHvs ; afterwards by the taking of Valen^ 
ciennesAU the name of the emperor^ and by the union 
QiCarsica tothe British empire, which, in whatever 
xnanij^er it was effected, has rendered the disinter* 
estedness o{ England as suspicious as that of the 
other powers.'' P^g^ 19. 

. This is the language of a man, who for several 
.years has; . been, exerting his utmost efforts to pro- 
mote the re-establishment d£ monarchical govern* 
.ment in France^ by the interference of the combin- 
ed powers. What less than truths evident to ^^e^oe- 
jry understanding ^^^ could have induced him to hold 
such language ? 



(o) " We are convinced from a niultitude of ex- 
amples, that whenever the fermentations occasioned 
by the" cruel '' ambition of princes and the" art- 
fully-excited " resentment of their subjects^ sub- 
side, the natural turn of the human race is to have 
a quiet intercourse with each other, and a rm- 
prifcal exchange of thosj^ blessings which Proi 



1 



( $44 ) 

dence has liberally bestowed on all, though in dif* 
ferent proportions. We cannot help perceiirmg^ 
that in consequence of ri^i^ unhers^ dispiMfUiau^ 
several old routs^ by which the communications 
were maintained between very remote CDUntries^ 
subsist either in whole or in part at this day^ iiot«- 
withstanding temporary interruptions." 

It seems to be a proof, that Providence designed 
such a quiet intercourse even between nations ^seat- 
ed at a great distance from one ^^ther, that in ma- 
ny parts of the world they are provided with ani- 
mals, camels and dromedaries, there called j^iyi/f 
o/tbe land, peculiarly formed for making joufiiies 
over the vast desarts, that, like seas of iand sepa- 
rate them, and without which animals it would be 
impossible to keep up a useful correspondence be- 
tween countries divided as they are. 

Of this kind of intercourse in early ages, the ^ 
scriptures make mention, many centuries before 
any notice appears to have been taken of it in any 
other writings ; and their account is confirmed by 
similar practices down to the present time. 

Gen. xxiv. 44. i. King$ x. 2. 

ANOTSEa argument that Providence intended a 
commercial intercourse between nations, tnay be 
drawn from this circumstance— — that i\itir ptoduC- 



( 345 ) 

iitms are so different. This variety is justly bb^ 
served by a Heathen poet, who enumerates several 
particulars — ^ 

** Nature these laws, and these eternal bands, 
** Firft fixM to certain climes and various lands." 

rirgilj Geo. 1. 

According to the history which Moses has 
given us of the peopling of the earth after the de- 
luge, we might reasonably suppose, that an inter- 
course between the inhabitants of the JEast must 
have subsisted very early, or to speak with greater 
propriety, must have continued from the beginning; 
and it is very remarkable, that this fact is confirmed 
by authors,' sacred and profane. 

The first book of Grotius^s excellent treatise on 
the truth of the christian religion and the notes, 
contain an abstract of many very Valuable authori- 
ties on the subject. 

It is most probable, that the Arabians were the 
first that sailed thither by sea; as we know, thalt 
the Ishmaelites who lived in the same country, 
were the first that carried spices by land into Egypt. 
Gen. xxxvii. 25. The first mention that is made 
of ships in history, is in Genesis xlix. 13. in the 
vol;. II. 2 U 



( 54$ ) 

time of yaeoh^ n«wly two thousand year* bcfiMjc 
the (xmuneQeem^nt of the (brittinn «ra» 



! 



(j&) CAjtrHAGB, eager in the pursuit of wealth, 
neglected her militia^ and fatally tnurted too mvch 
in her fleets and mercenary arviies. 

It is a poor state of national health, to be strong 
in some of the limbs and weak in the body. When 
blows of invasion are struck at the breasts of such 
nations, they cannot stand on their legs. 

Agaxhocius king of Sicily astonished the world, 
by the manner in which he availed himself of this 
political position. 

He was besieged in Syracuse by a vast Cartba- 
pinian force, and was almost reduced to the last 
extremity. His situation ^ippeared desperate. Hi$ 
daring mind took counsel from that state of his af> 
fairs. He embarqqed ^ suwll army on his reniaiiv* 
ipg gallies, §et sail, dexterously eluded the Qartba-^ 
^inian flcet„ landed in Africa^ burnt bis ships, 
fiercely invaded thev dominions on that contineAt, 



( 347 ) 

conquered all before him, advanced to the walb of 
Carthage^ laid siege to it, and reduced that city to 
the same distress in which he had left his own ca-i 
pital. The siege of Syracuse was raised, confusion 
followed, and the besiegers were cut to pieces. 

This bold enterprize excited Scipio Africantis^ 
as Livy informs us, to a like descent on Africa. 
That step compelled Hannibal to retire from Italy^ 
and by the defeat of his army quickly after at Zantac 
Carthage received the shock from which she never 
recovered* 

Tbb rulers of the Fenetian republic foUortvitig 
the example of Carthage^ placed their reliance fbr 
defence on land in a standing army^ denying. 
^* tbrauf^b jealous f^ as history testifies, the use of 
arms to tb^ people. 

lis the famo«is league of Cambray^ they fully cr. 
perienced the mischiefs of such pioltcy. By the 
single battle of Atgnadelle^ m which they were de* 
fcfttcd, they lost all their dominions on tbe conti* 
nent,. smd their name would have been erased frdtt 
the list of nations, if the confederated, as in sock 
alliances generally happens, had not quarrelled 
among themselves. 



( 348 ) 

On the other hand, where the militia of a state 
is well armed and disciplined, a few defeats do not 
determine its fate, as was demonstrated by the Ra- 
mans in their last mentioned war. 

In less than three years, as -^^rW^n relates, Han- 
nibal had destroyed more than two hundred and 
fifty tliousand'of their best troops. Then the milt' 
tia came forward, and by braver}'' and prudence 
united, restored affairs, and saved their country. 

Some authors have ascribed the victories of jffb/i- 
nib4il over the Romans^ as well as those of Philip 
oi'.Mdcedon over the Greeks^ to the circumstance 
of their leading veteran armies against militia. 

This opinion does not appear to be Well found- 
ed. It is true, that soldiers strictly disciplined and 
inured to the hardships of service, will have advant- 
ages over men suddenly called together from their 
several domestic occupations. But, these advant- 
ages are of short duration, and of slight conse- 
quence as to the summ of the wai, if it be conduct- 
ed prudently on the part of the invaded, and defen- 
iive wairs only are here intended. 

History affords many instances of unexperienced 
and even disheartened troops, being by wise ma- 
nagement soon brought to such skill in discipline 



( 349 ) 

and to such an animation of mind, as to encounter 
veteran armies with success. 

The Greeks had by their follies been preparing 
themselves for destruction, and the battle of Choe* 
ronea subverted their liberty. But, that battle 
was not lost, for want of courage or discipline in the 
privates, "^ but for want of judgment and even of 
common sense in the leaders. The mistakes of 
these that caused the defeat are particularized by 
historians. The center and one wing of the Mace- 
donian army were repulsed, and if Lysicles the 
Athenian general had been a man of abilities, the 
phalanx which still resisted and at last conquered, 
would have been broken to pieces, as it was after- 
wards by Paulus Emilius at the battle of Pydne^ 
or at least it would have been so shattered, that the 
fatal day would not have been the laft of Grecian 
freedom. 

When Hannibal descended from the AlpSj his 
harrassed army amounted to about twenty-five 
thousand men. Was it want of courage or disci- 
pline in the hundreds of thousands of i?47/7z^^n sol- 
diers, that delivered them up to death by his 
sword? Far from it. His victories were obtained 
by superiority of generalship over the commanders 
who opposed him, and the events that occurred in 
the course of the war, prove this statement to be 
true. ' 



( 350 ) 

^9 to the conquests made by the standing ar-* 
mies of Rome^ they were invariably owing to one of 

these causes first, the effeminacy or corruption 

of civilised nations-*--i-secondly, the follies and 
vices of princes-^*— thirdly, the gross ignorance of 
barbarous nations— r-^-^td which may be added their 
division into clans not sufficiently united. 

Yet, the resistance of these rude and rough war* 
riors limitted the extent of the empire. 

The competence of a militia to self-defence here 
contended for, peculiarly refers to a brare nation, 
possessing a knowledge common to them and to 
their enemies- 

Events similar to those of antiquity have occur* 
red in our own times. 

The late king of Prussia^ after his 'oeteran ar- 
mies had been annihilated in the course of the 
seven years wwty and Europe thought his destruc* 
tioo inevitable, at the very close of the dreadful 
cmiteat &at waa to decide the &te- of his family 
and oountry^ put himself at the head of his. wtu* 
raised lerio^ which were militia^ and gained the 
imponaocit battle of Torgauy s^nst marshal Daun^ 
one of the mqst renowned generals of tiie age, com- 



( 3" ) 

manding the still unexhausted old bsuids of Aus^ 

tria. 

Fo t the want of this internal for ce^ not the wall of 
Cbina^ one of the wonders of the world, has been 
sufficient, however garrisoned, to compensate. For 
considerably more than a century, that most extra- 
ordinary nation, far out-numbering the inhabitants 
of all Europe^ has been subject to a Tartarian tribe 
comparatively diminutive in population, that broke 
through their enormous, but unprotective barrier. 

VALotJR and discipline are moveable bulwarks 
and living fortifications. Their activity can im- 
prove every advantage,—— 

** Mobilitate tiiget. . . ." 

Those in the field may be joined by reinforce- 
ments, if required, on every side. Their intelli- 
gence will be constant and faithful. They may 
save their country, as the great Roman did, by 
wiuting patiently on hills and mountains ; pour 
down to victory as he did, when. opportunity offers ; 
entangle an enemy in vallies, defiles, and courses 
of rivers ; waste him by delays, and continual at- 
tacks on weak parts^; intercept recruits and sup- 
plies ; and convince even an Hannibat^ that larg-e 
cities and pitched battles nmy be gained^ wi 




( 352 ) ' 

conquering a free people, whose minds and bodies 
are duly prepared for resistance. 

Thus thought and thus acted that wise and mag- 
nanimous woman, Elizabeth^ queen of England. 

A GREAT part of her reign was a period of as 
Imminent dangers as any prince ever encountered. 
She was surrounded by the most formidable and the 
most inveterate enemies, commanding vast armies, 
and the strongest fleets that the world for many 
ages had seen. They threatened an invasion, the 
very preparations for which filled many nations 
with amazement and terror. To meet the storm 
on land, she prudently and courageously relied on 
the militia of her kingdom, for she knew them to 
be deeply interested in the cause. 

It is our duty to look forward to the changes, 
that may be reasonably expected to take place on 
this continent. 

To judge of future events by the past, the time 
will come, when nothing less than the whole mili- 
tia * of our union, well armed and well jtrained. 



. * It merits mach consideration, whether in arrangmg the militia a competent 
number may not be selected for exgrches, without interrupting- the education of 
the young, or requiring too much exenion from the aged. Supposing the se- 
lection made by law, to be limitted to those between 21 and 41 years of age^ 



( 353 ) 

will be sufficient to deter attacks, or to repel them 
when made. We are therefore bound bjr every 
obligation of common interest, and of regard for the 
welfare of piankind, assiduously to cultivate the 
most tender fraternal love between the citizens of 
these states, that by the animating and vigorous 
powers of mutual affection and confidence, we may 
grpw up to the full maturity of our native strength, 
and tben^ and then onfy^ we may ^ under Provi< 
dence, be 

V X!^nfident against the world in arms/^ 

It would be too tedious, to recapitulate all the 
instances that might be adduced to prove to a free 
peofde, the wisdom of placing their main reliance 
in su€b preparations for defence, or in other words, 
of being an armed NATioN.f 

. Ws ought to rejoice in reflecting, that in conse^ 
queued of the alterations latterly made in tactics by 
the uae 9£ fire arms, a militia may much more ea-* 



fet «th«p panoMMt kifaUy called ipo«i»i«%te obmI thani^^ 

la the CDimeaf « £bw ycara, aU abk bodied mea might be properiy diaeiplined,. 

and aroMd i» tiie bcft owniier. 

t A celebrated hiBtorianobsenret, that *< the bleMioga of peace sunt be g)nf4-^ 
edbythe sword of freedom.'* 

VOL. il. 2 W 



( 354 ) 

sily become equal to veterans^ than among the an- 
C]ents4 Skill in exercises and bodily strength hard- 
ened by services^ are now of less importance than 
formerly. Men and nations are brought more on a 
level. 

The vindication of their rights is therefore now 
more easy to oppressed nations, than it was in pre- 
ceding ages ; and perhaps the time is approaching^ 
when the means of defence against injuries will be 
so improved, and the hazards of attack so increas- 
ed, that war will become even to those who are 
most fond of it, an employment too perilous to be 
pursued. 

A SMALL standing army cannot defend an exten- 
sive country, and a large one is always injurioiia to 
the welfare, and dangerous to the liberty of a peo- 
ple. Those excellent counsellors, common sense 
and conimon honesty, induced our ancestor^ to 
adopt, one plain maxim of inestimable worthy for 
securing national happiness. It was this^ to' 



\ This fllMenra^on tppltegwidi peculiar force, to toch'a people IM weareia 
these woods, were to almost every man the use of a mntketit aa fiunSiar, 
as the use of a knife; and whose iadt would not stay long for their breakfinU^ 
tho* not to be obtained but on performance of the condition prescribed to the 
J a fef Ufa youth of mtsquity ' 

" Tohka toiaU mark at a certain diatance» beforq they were permitted ta 



( 355 ) 

connect the civil and military powers j and direct 
tbem to the same endj retaining the latter in strict 
subordination to the former. 

Is every country where this connection has been 
neglected, the military power has become a dictator 
to the'civil power. 

The voice of reason and the voice of historic ex- 
periencc address us, in the strongest and clearest 
notes of warning. Let us attentively listen to their 
solemn instruction. 

If man had always continued innocent, political 
power would have been unnecessary. It is no part 
of the original constitution, but derived from the 
depravation of that constitution. It partakes there- 
fore of his infirmities ; and one of the most mourn- 
ful reflections is presented to us by observing, how 
almost invariably this power corrupts the human 
mind. The effect is so alarmingly general, as to 
call loudly on every free nation, to be perpetually 
upon guard. 

An armed people^ with unarmed magistrates^ is 
the best security for liberty. 

There cannot be a plainer proof, that magis; 
trates entertain views unfavourable to the welfiui 

i 



( 356 ) 

of their countnr, than their ayer^on to a national 
militia. 

While the measures of magistrates arc agree- 
able to the peopie, things proceed quietly and hap- 
pily : but, when they are determined to pursue 
measures displeasing to the people, tben^ for car- 
rying their own wHl into execution against the will 
of the people, tbey look Jor some other suppori. 

If it should be asked, when does this opposition 
of wills take place, the answer suggested by truth, 

is when rulers resolve to gratify their ambition, 

avarice, pride, or any base passion, V)bainer 
ex pence of blood or treasure it may cost the people. 
But do they frequently happen ? To go no farther, 
let the history of modem Europe be consulted. 
There we shall find, that but a few centuries ago, 
the inhabitants of all its divisions were free. They 
were brave too ; but unhappily they were heed- 
less also. Many snares were spread for their un- 
suspecting simplicity, and before they discovered 
them, they were catched in the toils, and reduced 
to slavery. 

As aversion to a national militia act» as the 
main spring that regulates all these snares. 



( 357 ) 

So M £ 1 1 If £s magistrates indulge this disposition, 
by craftily neglecting this natural force. Sometimes, 
they insidiously manage so as to enervate it, for 
this purpose availing themselves particularly of the 
ignorance and indolence of those who know not it^ 
value^ or who dislike any exertion unless it be im. 
mediately profitable or pleasant. Sometimes, they 
cunningly irritate and arm one part of the people 
against their fellow-^citizens.* Sometimes, raw in 
policy or rash in passion, they by their mismanage- 
ment or insolence create disorder, and then, with 
the blundering boldness of fear, deny the utility of 
militia. Alarmed at the discontents and evils which 
their own follies or loices have produced^ they cry 
out, that nothing less than the energy of a standing 



• ** When the authority of rulers becomes an aceesiory to any cause, and a 
itronger obligation is formed than the bond of .government y they begin to fall from 
thm power.*' Lord chancellor J?«m. 

^ An ulla esse major aut insignior contumelia potest, quam partem civitatis 
Tehit contaminatam haberi ? Quid est alium quam exilinm inter eadem moenia, 
qoam relegationem pati ? Sic nos sub legis super bissime vincula conjicitis, qua 
dirimati* societatem civilem, dua» que ex una civitate facialis.** 

I.ivY, book 4. chap 4. 

. The thirty tyrants established at Athens by tysander, adopted this iniquitous 
policy. They armed three or four thousand assassin»» and ditarmed the rest of 
the people. They then imprisoned, fined, confiscated, and destroyed, as they 
pleased. This was the plan by which OUvtir Crgmweil declared, that he could 
energttitally govern the whole British nation. 



( 358 ) 

qrmyy and copious phlebotomy by the points of 
swords and bayonets can cure the diseases. 

But, this direful process for changing freedom 
into servitude, must be conducted with due deco- 
rum ; for the usurpers of power always moving in 
the view of the public, are the most decorous of 
all mortals. The form is to deceive, while they 
seize the substance. Every violence has its atten- 
dent vindication. Their massacres are humane, 
and their robberies equitable. Thus, the patriotic 
Julius Casary to defend the rights^ of the plebeians^ 
justly enslaved Rome. Thus, the pious Olher 
Cromwelly to keep the peace of the nation^ mercifully 
enslaved Britain. 

If a law or a constitution stands in the way of 
such ambitious commentators, not the three bro- 
thers so celebrated for their dexterity of interpreta- 
tion could be more versute in extracting a meaning 
accommodated to their inclinations. 

If their construction cannot be found in so many 
words J they are far from being discouraged. They 
will next seek for it in so many syllables. If even 
syllables should be so stubborn as to deny their aid, 
they can at least find in different parts a sufficient 
number of letters^ and then by joining these toge- 



( 359 ) 

ther, they can readily spell out whatever they 
please.* 

O, MISERABLE Condition of human society! 
when unblushing fraud supported by unfeeling 
force, imposes its cabbalistical quiddities, in place 
of the genuine and sacred truths penned by wis- 
dom arid virtue, as the testimonies of our rights 
and the vouchers of our compacts. 



** . Nos certe taceamus, et obruta multa 

" Nocte tegi propriae patiamur crimina gentis.** 

Statius. 



When once rulers have by their delusions ob- 
tained a standing army, its growth in every age and 
in every country has been tremendously rapid. 
Montesquieu calls ** the augmentation of troops in 
Europe Ji distemper. The consequence of such a 
situation is the perpetual augmentation of taxes ; 
and the mischief which prevents all future remedy 
is, that they reckon no more on their revenues^ but 
go to war with their nvhole capital. It is not an 
unusual thing, to see governments mortgage their 
funds even in time of peace^ and to employ what 
they call e:>Ctraordinary meansy to ruin themselves ; 
means so extraordinary indeed^ that such ate hard- 



Sw/t*s works, vol. I. page 76 — 86. 



f 



( 360 ) 

ly thought on by the most extravagant youug 
spendthrifts.'' 

Thb consequence of this false policy has \Ktn 
In every nation, extreme wretchedness to the peo- 
ple. 

, Nothing can be more plain, than this posidcA, 
that to prevent the executive of any govemni^Dt 
from being enabled to oppress, the armies with 
which he is entrusted, should consist of the people^ 
and have the same sentiments with the people. 

Historians have observed, that in the times of 
our Anglo-Saxon ancestors, tho' every mau was con- 
stantly armed for public defence, yet, being govern- 
ed with moderation according to known laws, ** no 
popular insurrection ever happened.'' ■ 

Sir ff^illiam Temple's introduction to the histo- 
ry of England, page 303. 

Thus, Switzerland, where every man is armed, 
has, for several centuries, enjoyed domestic tran^ 
quiUity, 

As to the formation of standing armies there 
have been varieties. Some ancient and some mo* 
dem princes have preferred ybr^i^/i^r*. This was 
the practice of several kings of Englafid in their 



( 361 ) 

-disputes with the barons ; and it was attended with 
some success. For there are almost continually 
floating about in every country, a number of idle, 
necessitous, unprincipled men, who rejoice to be 
called together, and embodied for plundering, by a 
powerful prince or a daring adventurer. 

Marius^ whose sagacious and sanguinary exam- 
ple has been 'generally followed by the contenders 
for undue eminence, was the first among the Ro^ 
mana who formed his armies of tife dregs of so- 
day. 

In such cases horrible associations take place. 
They depend on their employers for prey, and their 
^mployers^ depend on them for power. This in- 
novation made by Marius laid the foundation for 
that military tyranny, which afterwards af&icted, 
and at last ruined his country. 

In the estimate of such accurate calculators of 
merit, men rise in value, in proportion as they are 
destitute of principle and property. Those who 
have no home but the camp, and no hope but in 
cruelty, are above all price. Such soldiers can be 
nlied on. At the word of command, their only 
law, they spring forward to the work assigned 
them; Their eyes know not to pity, nor 

YOh. u. 2 X . 




( S62 ) 

hands to spare, \lliat excellent materials to their 
leaders, for rearing the fiihric of glory— —erf im- 
mortal glory ! ** Sic iter ad astra" exclaim 

ibeir flatterers which words may' well be trans- 
lated ** this is their wav to heaven.'* 

These materials being properly selected, the 
management is a very easy business. The Roman 
legions, under the doting Claudius^ made many 
conquests. " An army is so forceable, and at the 
same time so coarse a weapon, that any hand which 
wields it, may, without much dexterity, perform 
any operation, and attain any ascendent in human 
society.'* 

Augustus Casar^ a complete master of the arti- 
fices that have been so baneful to the peace, liber- 
ty, and happiness of mankind^ was at the very same 
time when he practised them, perfectly sensible of 
the inherent defects and dangers that attended them. 
He would accordingly, tho' commanding near half 
a million of men in arms, declare to his intiniate^ 
that the Roman affairs then stood ** more on repu- 
tation than strength.^* 

Notwithstanding <his clear conviction, he 
had not integrity and magnanimity enough to put 
things into a better state,^afe^ his honest son-iftihiw 
Agrippa advised him to do, but .went on in vacil- 



( a63 ) 

lations of .hopes, fears, vanities, distrusts, gleams 
of duty, and the still-darkening and finally prevail- 
ing shades of selfishness, till at last, viTetched in 
domestic relations, unassured as to foreign, bank- 
rupt of every tender and generous affection private 
and public, he gloomily bequeathed the world to 
Tiierius 2u^d to slavery. 

Before he closed a life that put liberty to 
death,* three or four legions under Farus^ one of 



, * HiitoriMtf are agreed, that Julias Cmsmr rather threw chains over the RmoM* 
than fixed them ; bat that Augustus Qatar by a cool deliberate perseverance in 
the practice of every deception and of every cruelty, for nearly half a century, 
fastened and riveted them on. 

Svery youth hi these states should be taught to abhor the specious, splendid, 
199ffticid« tynnt. Tbqr should abo be informed, that the praises bestowed 
uxKm. J^im by Vtrpl and Hwuce^ were not given to him for his merits, bnt by 
this address, the only means in their power, to shew him vtbmt be ought to be^ 
tn'd if posttUe, to voothe this fo^ to htimanhy into some mildness of temper. 
yxKTtr^, qondocted by titgncn warn pbced in his view*-— ind hit tcc^ang 
heart recoiled at the heavenly vision. 

. What, to speak of -ao other acoomi, is now thought, and by diose wli^te 
f^Mnu«t« aye worth regarding will be thflrught, as long as the human lace eR<* 
ists, of those oppressors of their fellow^creatures, who have cqndenmed them- 
selves to the notice of future ages f 

JUexmier, in his dtstresrfiil retnni from ImRm, we are told* escfaumed*— 
*■ O Atbemans^ to what toils and dangers do I ei^se myself, to obtain your 
applahse.*^ 

With much more propriety might he, fpealdng in the name of all 
aspirants for fame, have said <* O vorld^ to what toils and dangers do we 
ovrtelves, to obtain your detestation.** 




( 364 ) 

his generals, were cut off by the German hero Ar- 
miniusj and his brave compatriots, in the Hertym- 
an forest. Terrified at the blow, and expectii^ the 
victors immediately to advance, and avail them- 
selves of the circumstances he had undesignedly 
prepared for assuring their success, he walked in 
agitation about his house, like a person distraded, 

striking his head against the walls, and crying 

Farus, Fants, restore me my legions.'* 

At length, on his less guilty successors and his 
devoted country, down came the long dreaded de- 
struction. 

In process of time the armies became enervated. 
The fierce nations, which had for many years wish- 
ed to seize the rich prey, defeated those that were 
stationed on the frontiers. Having passed this line, 
they rushed into a land abounding in every thing 
but courage, arms, and discipline. Terror, fright^ 
slaughter, with a deluge of miseries, overwhelmed 

the inhabitants of the Roman empire only the 

name remdned. 

When a reader for the first time peruses the 
pages relating to this mournful period, he is struck 
with vast surprise, on observing those nations which 
were the most distinguished for their love of liberty 
and martial spirit, crouch at once into mean despon- 



( 365 ) 

dence and dastardly submission, before half-armed 
and undisciplined barbarians^ many of them in so 
rude a state, as not to know how to raise grain, or 
to make bread : as for instance, when he finds the 
descebdents of those Britons who repulsed Casar^ 
and ^so4ong defended their freedom against the ut- 
most efforts of i?(7m^, basely uttering what they 
called the " groans of J?r?Vaw" to a Roman officer ; 
or, when he finds the posterity of the Spaniards^ 
who had resisted the Roman arnis in their greatest 
strength, with firmer determination than any nation 
in the world, even for more than tv)o hundred years ^ 
completely conquered by the undisciplined Fandals 
in i^he^shdrt space of two r^/wjO^f^;?^, 

This astonishing and destructive degeneracy 
that spread throughout the whole Roman empire, is 
accounted for in a moment, ' when this singld^fact- 

expressly declared in history becomes known 

that *' the jealousy of despotism had deprived the 
people of the use of arms y 

This decree contained a volume of denunciations. 
It doomed them to shame, sorrow, fear, ignoi^ance, 
and every suffering that could tend to degradation' 
of character. They were taxed, injured, insulted 
at the pleasure of rapacious, cruel, and arrogant 
masters. The principles and actions of their Sfl 
cestors were worn out of their memories. 'Or 



( 366 ) 

minds having alu ays debasing images present to 
them, w ithercd to a dreadful sympathy with their 
'AbjwCt condiiion. Thought was useless, as their 
only business was to obey. They lost of course the 
capacity of decision. I'he vigour of the soul was 
gone. The blandishments of life were fled. Hope 
was dead. Xations became monuments of divine 
blessings blasted by human crimes. 

Let us turn our ai&icted recollections from these 
kindred woes, to seek for subjects of some conso- 
lation. 

Among modern rulers, the Stuarts^ those ^pc- 
dants in government, whose little minds were al- 
ways striving to grasp great powers, had the tyran- 
nic averjsion to a national m ilitia in the extreme ; 
and it is well known, what it cost the Stuarts. 

T]i£ family that succeeded them . in the throne, 
succeeded them also in that malady ; ajid so much 
infatuated were they by it, that they were very near 
losing their crown, when about ten thousand half- 
armed Highlanders advanced to a place only one 
hundred miles distant from London. The English 
were then, as they always are, brave ; but they had 
been betrayed into the disuse of arms. Their pre- 
servation was owing to the imbecility of the inva- 
ders. 



( 367 ) 

L£t us tfeereftwe rely on a well armed and well 
trained militia^ ad the natural, the most effectual, 
and the safest means of national defence. 

By defence is not meant merely a resistance 
against attacks made:, but also a capacity for disa- 
bling an enemy at a considerable distance, and 
thus preventing attacks. 

The most illustrious example of this kind given 
by militia^ to be found on the pages of history, an- 
cient or modern, our own country affords. 

In the year 1745, war then raging, the vast im* 
portance oi Louis bourgh^ the capital of the island of 
Cape-Breton^ was unanimously acknowledged. 

** The people of Neiv-England behaved on this 
occasion with great spirit. Three thousand eight 
hundred and fifty volunteers, all of them well af- 
fected to the expedition, assembled themselves at 
Boston. At Canso the whole body of land forces, 
including marines, amounted to about six thous- 
and. On the 30th of Aprils about ten men of war 
of different rates, some other armed vessels, and 
the transports arrived in Gabaron bay, which lies 
within about four miles of Louisbourgb, and not- 
withstanding some resistance that was made, 
forces landed with very inconsiderable loss, 




( S68 ) 

drore the troops that opposed them into the woods. 
The gromul between the place ^landing and the 
ramparts of the town, was extremely boggy, mie« 
qual, and almost impassable ; but nothing could 
discourage the assailants, who formed two separate 
camps which were to direct two attacks. The one 
played from the South side of the harbour, directly 
upon the town, and the other from the North part 
of it, to silence what was called the great battery, 
which mounted 35 guns of 42 pounds, and com- 
manded the entry and the bay. Besides these, 
the enemy had a draw-bridge at the Western gate 
of the town, where was a circular battery of 16 
guns, 24 pounders each, commanding the upper 
part of the harbour, at the mouth of which was the 
island battery of 34 guns, 42 pounders. The 
walls, ramparts, and bastions, mounted 64 guns, 
and the place was besides defended by 10 mortars, 
each of IS inches bore, and six of nine inches. It 
was strong by nature as well as by art ; and the gar« 
risen consisted of 1200 regulars"-^— exclusive, as 
it is apprehended, of the burghers. 

" Tho' neither the militia nor their commanders 
had ever seen any military service, ibey proceeded 
with all the regularity and intrepidity of veterans. 
The grand approaches to the body of the place 
were to be carried on from the Southern side. Hcjre 
the service was extremely laborious, the guns for 



( 369 ) 

mounting the batteries being dragged through 
bogs and incumbered places by the landsmen, for 
above two miles. They succeeded however to ad- 
miration, and by the assistance of the oiEcers and 
engineers of the marines, and some lent them by 
the commodore, they mounted a large train of ar- 
tillery on an eminence called the Green- bill ^ about 

three quarters of a mile from the place. The 

garrison having made a resolute defence, and a ge- 
neral assault being expected, surrendered on the 
ISth of 3fune.''* 

The following extract from general Sumpter^s 
truly valuable speech in congress, in the year 1798, 
will shew, that the Southern states partake of the 
same gallant spirit that animates the Northern. 

"The true force of the Southern states to de- 
fend themselves, cannot be doubted by those who 



• TindaVs continuation oi Rap'iHi history fji En^Uuid voL %1. pag. I57»-" 

Of theie noble exertion*, the excellent bishop of St. Asapb speaks in the follow- 
ing honorable terms. " Let us not forget, that the people of Nno'EngUnd were 
themselves, during the last war, the most forward of all in the national cause; 
ihat in every year we voted them a considerable sum, in acknowledgement of 
their Zealand their services ; that in Ac preceding vrar, they alone enabled as 
to make the treaty of Aix-la-CbapelU, by furnishing us with the only equiva- 
lent for the towns that were taken from our allies in Flandtn.** 



VOL. II. 



2 Y 



f 



( 370 ) 

were attentive observers of their exertions through- 
out our revolutionary war. 

^^ It is an unpleasant thing for me to have to 
make any remarks on a subject of thU sort ; but so 
frequently have gentlemen made invidious distinct!- 
ons between the courage and efficacy of militia and 
regulars and with so much injustice to the former, 
that I cannot permit their assertions any longer to 
pass without notice. For doing this, I dp notmeian 
to derogate from the merit of the late American re- 
gular army, nor more particularly from that part of 
it which served to the southward, of whose condir 
tion I Qan better judge th^n of that which served 
in the middle and eastern districts ; as to them, I 
am bold to say, they were not inferior, under all 
circumstances, to any army of equal numbers and 
equal opportunities, which I have heard or read of, 
io; any tinie or any place ■ but then it mu^t be al30 
remembered, whatever gentlemen may here say 
to the contrary, that the militia were as serviceable, 
and as successful as any regulars whatever, 

** I WILL take a cursory review of the serviceftof 

th^ militia in one of the southern states, which 
will tend to support my l^t declaration. . 

*' I WILL quote only a few cases out of a great 
number where the militia have acted alone, without 



( 371 ) 

any co-operation or support from the regulars, and 
that against the veteran and conquering cavalry and 
in&ntry of British corps, and in which actions they 
were distinguished for their bravery and success* 
It may be remembered, that very partial if any im- 
pressions, had ever been made by our regular troops 
on the British corps of cavali-y during the early pe- 
riod of the war j and if seemed to be reserved to 
the southern militia to convince them th^t their 
equals existed in our country. It is not to be at- 
tributed to the want of courage or discipline in our 
regular corps that this had not been done before, 
but to imperious circumstances which no skill could 
overcome ; but this did not change the £sict. 

" ArxxR the fall of Charleston in 1780, the first 
atttoo^ tod that fought by the militia, without any 
aid from our regulars, was the action of Fishing- 
Creei J /^here^ without entering into a minute de- 
scription of all the circumstances attendent on such 
an Occasion, it will be sufficient to say, that the gal- 
lant captain Raoke^ who commanded a squadron of 
Tarleton^s legion, fell, and the whole force was beat- 
en and dispersed. 

" A few days after— and here permit me, to rerhark, 
that if my colleague does not remember, and our his- 
torians have neglected to record the atchievemt 
the militia, yet justice is in some degree doi 




( 372 ) 

by a British bistoriarij who was an officer in the 
British service in that part of our countiy, and at 
the very time I am speaking of, who corroborates 
my facts. A few days after an attack was made by 
the militia on Rocky- Mount ; and colonel TumhuUn 
who commanded the enemy's force, and who is 
now in Ne^-Tori^ I have no doubt has candour 
enough to acknowledge, that from the contest he 
had with them (although strongly defended by well 
constructed works,) and which lasted ten hours ^ 
there is something due to their bravery and the 
effect of their arms. 

" Eight days after x\i^zS2i\r on Rocky -Mounts 
an attack was made on the British at their posts of 
the Hanging-Rock. The force on this occasion 
consisted of the same corps of South-Carolina mu 
litia who had enterprized on the other occasion ; 
they were in number about 600 ; they had been 
joined by a few of the militia from Nortb-Caroli'^ 
na^ and it is a pleasure to reflect on the cordiality 
and bravery displayed by them on this occasion. 

*' The enemy's force at this post was 1200 ef- 
fectives ; yet the result was, after an action which 
lasted through the greatest part of the day, that ma- 
jor Bryants corps was totally defeated, the prince 
9f IValcs^ regiment exterminated, even its name 
has never since been recorded. Other detachments 



( 373 ) 

from the 63d and 71st, under the command of ma- 
jor Garden^ were also cut up, driven from their en- 
campment with the entire loss of baggage, &c. and, 
in the course of this action, captain Kinla'O)^ with 
a squadron of Tarletoti^s legion arrived from Rocky- 
Mount^ made a desperate charge on the militia, was* 
repulsed by them and fled to Camden^ without at- 
tempting to renew the combat. In this, as well as 
other actions, it ought to be remembered, how ma- 
ny field-officers, brave captains and other officers, a» 
well as valuable citizens fell, or were wounded,, 
while another nation had to regret in this actioiv 
alone, the loss of upwards of 800 men. 

** Passing by a number of important and consi- 
derable conflicts which took place between the Brt-- 
tisb regulars and the southern militia, still unsup- 
ported by regulars of our own army, I come now 
to mention the attack which was made in the neigh- 
bourhood of fFinnesborougb^ while lord Cor nw ants' 
lay lYi. that town, upon the South-Carolina militia^,- 
by X British regular force under majors Weyms 
and M*Carthy^ supported by two troops of cavalry ,. 
the whole corps drawn together and formed for the 
purpose^ after various charges made by the infan- 
try and cavalry, and after repeated repulses, the 
enemy was totally repelled, their commanding officer 
wounded and taken, togc?ther with a number of W 
corps, and the rest were <lispersed. -^ 



( 374 ) 

" On the return of colonel Tarleton to Wtnnti' 
borough y another effort was made^ and from the 
number as well as the nature of the troops employ- 
ed, it was certainly intended to be effectual in driv- 
mg the South-Carolina militia from that part Qf the 
country ; for it was 7ar/tffo«*x legion, M^Cartby^s 
corps, and that part of the 63d under major Money ^ 
which troops were led to the attack of the militia on 
the 20th of No'oember. The result of this action 
is known, to those who do not wish to detract from 
the merit of the militia. The enemy's detachment 
consisted of 270 legionary horse, and upwards of 
400 regular infantry, with two fields pieces ; the 
militia were between 5 and 600, without (as indeed 
they were through all the actions I have described) 
a single piece of artillery. In the number of militia 
are included some Georgians^ who not only ac- 
quired honour to themselves from their exertions on 
that day, but did honour to their country. The fete 
of the British cavalry was then decided ; they had 
been formerly unconquerable but after that day they 
were never known to be brought to act with either 
energy or effect. 

** Know I N G the ardour and firmness of the south- 
ei-n militia, and not doubting but the militia of the 
several states in the union possess equal motivcB 
for their exertions, equal spirit and activity, I can-» 
not, but rely on them as the natural and main sup« 



( S75 ) 

port of our national independence-- — a support 
fully effectual without a recurrence to a standing 
army. These few cases^ and it is stopping very 
shoiit indeed of what the merits of the southern mi- 
litia deserve, tend to shew that the charges brought 
againtst the militia generally are as unfounded as 
they are cruel to their feelings ; while at the same 
time they demonstrate, that if an invasion (which 
is a contingency by no means likely to happen) 
should actually take place, we may rely with confi- 
dence on the manly exertions of the militia, to meet 
the attack, and to resist every effort, at least for 
such a period as until more effective aid shall be 
drawn down to their support, and more permanent 
mieasures adopted." 



(q) The trite observation, that " Statesmen and 
priests devised religious terrors, more easily to sub- 
ject the people to their tyranny," could have been 
vented only by profound ignorance or cruel deceit- 
fulness. 

History proves by an accumulation of evidence^ 
that the original creed of mankind was this — — 
that men are the creatures of a supreme being, wh) 



( 376 ) 

after their death, will adjudge them to be happy or 
unhappy, according to the obedience or disobedi- 
ence of their behaviour in this life.f 

It is incredible, that this agreement so early and 
so constant, of so many different and vastly distant 
nations in the heliG^ of creation and a future state 
of rewards and punishments, should have prevailed 
as it certainly did, unless it had been transmitted 
to them in some revelation from their common an* 
cestors. 

These foundations of the relation between the 
Dbity and the human race were revered by them, 
until in some countries the pure doctrine Was cor- 
rupted by the weak or selfish policy of their teach- 
ers or rulers, and in others a false philosophy began 
to rage, and vice and vanity sought for satisfaction 
in a confusion of principles, and for fame in the 
sophistry of disputation. 

SxATjaSMEN and priests indeed, finding these 
grand points, on which the regulation of human 

f " Moreover, concerning a divine judgment after this life, wc find vawj 
things extant, not only among the Greeks^ but also among the Egyptlant and 
Indians^ 38 Strahoy Diogenes, Laertius and Plutarch tell US ; to which WC may add 
a tradition that the world should be burnt — ^-and to likewiiie, 'upon the firvt 
going into the Canary ulands and AmtricM, and other dittant places, the same 
opiTiion concerning souls and judgment was found." 

Groftusy Shitcifenff &C. &C. 



( 877 ) 

conduct so much depends, firmly established itr the 
minds c^. the people, sometimes presumed to add 
their inventions to the divine truths : for, however 
well or ill meant their design was, they bUilt their 
superstructures upon the ancient and venerated prin- 
ciples. 

But, with the $ame wretched effect, that invaria- 
Wy follows every attempt of ttian, to put his wis- 
dom upon an equality with that of his Maker, these 
efforts of artifice and folly continually weakened the 
sanctions of true religion. 

How. a knowledge of religions truths was at thcf 
beginnings communitated to mankind is a;n av^fhl 
inquiry. 

Otra first parents weffe ftt their creation ftiost cer- 
tainly endowed with proper bodily powers, or they 
muBt ha;re immediately perished. 

But this would have been an imperfect provisi- 
on for them, unless instruction had been also given 
t6 diehi, for procuring subsistence, and for convers- 
ing with one itiother . 

It is not credible, that with the donation of ex- 
istenceand ite accompanying faculties, their under- 
standings should have been left entirely blank, as 

VOL. II. 2^ Z 



( 378 ) 

to the superior obligations of piety and social duty, 
with their attendent affections and enjoyments. 
Maturity of body and infancy of mind, would have 
been in the designed duration of the species an in- 
consistency. 

Without these communications the human 
state would have been defective ; and the divine 
excellencies forbid us to ascribe to rnt Deity, so 
incomplete an establishment for the rational and 
the moral world. 

Thus reason seems clearly to decide ; and if we 
consult experience we shall find, that history in, re- 
cording the facts of experience evinces that reli- 
gious worship was more pure, and social duty more 
observed in the primitive ages, than they were after- 
wards ; and that as men more and more receded 
from those ages, they became more and more. 
estranged from piety and virtue, till at length they. 
sunk into the grossest ignorance and the vilest cor- 
ruption. 



Why should we be averse to the belief of this 
mournful degeneracy of mankind, when we so well 
know the progress of the ignorance and corruption, 
that have been intermingled with the divine reli- 
gion of our blessed Saviour, by the " many inven- 
tions of men ?"f 



t Ecdes. 7. 29. 



( 379 ) 

Theik £Bital error has alwajrs been the attempt- 
ing to make themselves more wise and more hap-' 
py, than their Creator intended them to be, in this 
life. 

Born for a brief existence upon earth in their 
way to immortality, they would have the divine 
counsels that are to govern through eternity, fully 
unfolded in this transient state to their limitted ca- 
pacities. 

Too presumptuous men ! After an eternity that 
is past, they find, that they now " live, and move, 
and have their being." 

Frok whom have these gifts proceeded ? From 
the omnipotent, omniscient, and infinitely excellent 
Sovereign of the universe. When such good gifts 
have been received by them, after an eternity of 
which they had no knowledge, why should they 
distrust the conduct of that adorable Lord, through 
the eternity that is to come ? Was sight bestowed 
upon them, to find fault with the sun ? Were their 
intellectual faculties conferred, to dispute with the 
Donor of them. 

The foregoing observations, and indeed all con. 
tained in these papers that relate to moral or reli- 
gious subjects, are some results of an impartial and 
faithful study of tsuth, continued through many 



( 380 ) 

yeaxsy with a con&tftnt, bumfale, and ardent desire, 
that , they mighty in some manner or other, become 
useful to certain classSes of fellow^ereatures, who 
have not equal opportunities of making such in- 
quiries. 

If these pages sb^U. contribute to put a single 
youth, orany one citizen of whatever x^ondition, upon 
his guard against the false and insidious pretences 
to the soundest learning and the noblest liberality, 
so boldly advanced in these times, and the influences 
of which so directly tend to the ruin of individuals, 
famili^S) i^tates, and civil societies, the writer will 
esteem himself greatly rewarded for his labours. 

He freely confesses^ that for his own u.s^^ he pre- 
fersi the broad- cloth of a Locke 2ind sl .Lardncr to 
the cobwebs oi^i Hume and a Gibbon^ 



(r) This important truth shoulfi have-be^ ob- 
served by our government, as die political pole star 
for gfuiding the vessel of our republic into a 9aft 

port. . ' ' . - 

Oz*^ the contrary, our management has been so 
fljLictuatijig, and our course so confiised by maiELeuY-^ 
^es thwarting one another, that from them it was 
not easy to determinie v) hat port wa^ aim^cL atf ■ . • 



( sai ) 

-At last, the alarmed people obliged our pilots to 
ke^p clear 6[ the mast dangerous coasts ; and may 
the same: vigilant wisdom cbippel them to steer 
more, steadily to the end of the voyage. 

But, it is feared, that no wisdom of the people 
or their magistrates can compensate for some er- 
rors that have been committed. 



(s) '* In all free governments there always 
have been, and there always will be, some minister 
or some set of ministers, forming schemes for over- 
turning the liberties of the people, and establishing 
themselves in arbitrary power. Such men are ge- 
nejqally at first the idols of the people, and before 
their latent designs come to be discovered, they 
prevail with the people to enter into such measures, 
or to make such regulations, as may contribute to 
the success of tbeir schemes. But, if the people 
aire wise enough, and sufficiently jealous of their 
liberties, they never fail to discover these designs 
before they are ripe for execution. 

*' As soon as they have made this discovery, and 
see the evil tendency of the measures or regulations 
they have been led into, of course they alter the 
fornier and rqieal the latter J' ParL deb. 



( 382 ) 

" Our times have, I suppose, exhibited the first 
instance of persons setting up for patriots^ upon 
the avowed principle of making one half of their 
countrymen enemies to the other half. All patrir 
ots before have contented themselves, with making 
a tyrant or his tools odious to his people : but, ne- 
ver thought'of making the people hate the people J*^ 

Ibid. 



(/) "The parsimony which leads to accumula- 
tion {of wealth) has become almost as rare in re- 
publican as in monarchial governments. The Ita- 
lian republics, the united provinces of the Nether- 
lands^ are all in debt. The canton of Berne is the 
single republic in Europe^ which has amassed any 
considerable treasure. The other Siviss republics 
have not. The taste for some sort of pageantry^ 
for splendid buildings, at least, and other publid 
ornaments, frequently prevails as much in the ap- 
parently sober senate house of a little republic, as 
in the dissipated court of the greatest king. 

" The want of parsimony in time of peace, im- 
poses ^the necessity of contracting debt in time of 
war." 

In a commercial state ** the government is very 
apt to repose itself upon the ability i^pd willi[ngne8S 



( 383 ) 

of its subjects to laid it their money on extraordi- 
nary occasions. It foresees the facility of borrow- 
ing, and therefore dispenses itself from the duty of 
saving. 

** The progress of the enormous debts which at 
present oppress, and will in the long run probably 
ruin, all the great nations of Europe^ has been pret- 
ty uniform.. Nations, like private men, have gene- 
rally begun to borrow upon what may be called 
personal credit, without assigning or mortgaging 
auy particular fund for the payment of the debt ; 
and when this resource has failed them, they have 
gone on to borrow upon assignments or mortgages 
of particular funds. 

/* The practice of funding has gradually enfeebled' 
eveyy state which has adopted it. The Italian 
republics seem to have begun it. Genoa and Fe- 
mV^, the only two remaining which can pretend to 
independent existence, have both been enfeebled 
bjr it. Spain seems to have leaned the practice 
from the ItAlian republics, and, its taxes being 
probably less judicious than theirs, it has, in pro- 
portion to its natural strength, been still more en- 
feebled. The debts of Spain are very old standing. 
It was deeply in debt before the end of the six- 
teenth century, before England owed a shilling. 
France^ notwithstanding all its natural resources, 
languishes under an oppressive load of the same 



C 384 ) 

kind. The republic of tht United Provinces^ is 
as much enfeebled by its debts, as either Genoa or 
F^ntee. Is it likely^ that in Great -JBritain^iionej a 
practice which has brought either desolation t>r 
weakness into every other country, should prove 
altogether innocent ? . 

"The system of taxation established in those 
diflferent countries, it may be said, is inferior to^ 
that of England. I believe, it is so : but it ought 
to be remembered that when the wisest govern- 
ment has exhausted all the proper subjects of taxa- 
tion, it must in cases of urgent necessity^ have re^ 
Qourse to improper ones. 

** When national debts have once been accuniu- 
lated to a certain degree, there is scarce, I beli^vi^^ 
a single instance of their having been fah'ly.and 
completely paid. . The liberatioa of the public re- 
venue, if it has ever been brought about at all, had 
always been brought about by a bankruptcy; 
sometimes by an avowed one, but always by a real 
one, though frequehtly by a prctentttedTJttyment*'* 
Smithes wealth of nations — voK I. 



FINIS. 



ERRATA. 

VOL. It. 

Page. Line. 

100 •'• 4 dele ♦' m"^' ' • '■'.■■ '- .= 

tie- ■' T'dete «"/o>? ■•' .:■ ■.■,:■::.. 

lao : , 8 dele ;" the'*.. . , • , , 

184. , , 7 ifor "1764" read 1674. . , r 

212 10 of the note, dele " // is." 

247 6 for " stores" read j?<7r«. 

271 1 for " effect" read afect. 

278 7 for " conjectures" read conjunctures, 

364 for " fright" read figJbt. 



VOL. II. 3 A 



^^ The Editors regret they are not able ta 
publish a complete list of their snbscribers-^--^ 
many subscriptidn papers to whrch4b6y Jiave heard 
numbers have affixed their names, have not yd 
come to hand. 



Subscribers Names. 



MASSACHUSETTS. 
Richard Cutts, esq. M. H. R. U. S. 
John Bacon, esq. M. H. R. U. S. Stockbridge. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Joshua Stow, Middletown. 
William Judd, esq. Fartnington. 
Ephraim Kirby, esq. Litchfield. 
Ozias Lewis, jun. 
John Welsh, esq. 
Elisha Hyde, esa. Norvjicb. 
Picrpont Edwards, esq. Ncw-Haven^ 
William Bristol. 

NEW.YORK. 
Aaron Burr, esq. Vice-President of the United 

States, S copies. 
George Clinton, esq. goTcrnor of the state. 
Qen. Horatio Gates, 3 copies. 
Rev. Samuel Miller, ^ " 
Edward Miller, M. Di 
Silvanus Miller, 
De Witt Clinton, esq. 
George Clinton, jun. esq. 
William Johnson, 
Anthony Blcecker, 



SUBSCRffiERS N/VMES. 

David Deimison, 10 copies. '■- 

Samuel L. Mitchell, esq. M, H, R. U. S. 

WiHiamPell,, . 

George NeWbold, . ; 

Smith Thomson, esq. Pougbkepsie* 

Theodoras Bailey, 

Samuel Hawkins^ 

Mathias B. Hildrith* 

NEW JERSEY. 

Joseph Bloomfield, esq. governor of the' state. 

Lucius Horatio Stockton^, esq. Trenton. . 

Charles CroxalU 

Peter Gordon, esq. 

John Prall, jun. . 

Abner Ruder, • . 

Mann & Wilson^.. 

James Mott, esq. M. H. R. U* S* ♦ 

Ebenezer Elmer, esq. M. H. R. II. S. 

James Linn, esq. . . / .• " . 

William Helms, esq. M. H. R. Ut S, HackeVs 

Town. ./ :.' . 

Joseph Brown, Salem. 
George C. Max'weU, Flemingtcn. 
William M'CuUpugh, esq. Sussex. 
James Kraft, Burlington. 
John Lambert, esq. Amwell. - . . 

Joseph Lambert, ■ \- 

Gershom Lambert, ^ 
Silas Dickerson, es*^. Stanhope^ 
John Morgan, Princeton. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Thomas M'Kean, esq. governor of the state. 
George Logan, esq. M. S. U. S. Philndelphia^ 
2 copies. 



SUBSCRIKERS NAMES. 

William Jones, eiq. M, HrR. U- S. • 

Michael Lieb, esq. M. H- JR. U. S. 

John Beckley, esq^ clerk tQ. the H.' R. U. S. 

Alexander J. Dallas, esq. 

Binny & Ronalclsoa, •. . ,: ' ; . _< 

William Duane, 5 copies. ' . 

Capt. John Hunh, r 

Mahlon Dickerson, fesq. 

Manuel Eyre, jun. 

Joseph Clay^ 

George Steel, 

Samuel Clark, 

Peter S. Du Ponceau, esq. • '^ 

David Jackson, 

Jonathan B. Smith, esq. 

William Sergeant, esq. 

Samuel Wetherill, esq. 

Frederick Smyth, 

Chandler Price, 

Miers Fisher, esq. 

Thomas Gilpin, 

Joseph Pemberton, 

Walter Franklin, esq. 

John Shalcross, 

William Ogden, 

Armstrong, esq. 

Benjamin S. Barton, M. D. 

Anthony Taylor, 

Isaac Vanhorn, esq, M. H. R. U. S, 

John Smilie, esq. M. H. R. U. S. 

John D. Lewis, 

Maurice Rodgers, 

Jacob S. Wain, 

John Conrad, & Co. booksellers, 20 copies. 

Mathew Carey, bookseller, 10 do. 

Capt. Joseph H. Dill. 



SinSCRIB£R!V KAMES. 

Seth hcYiSy Delaware County. 
Dr. Moses Jaques, Chester County. 
Capt. Thomas Wiley, 
Benjamin Swaiixe, 
Dr. John D. Perkins^ 
Janies Richardson, . 
Dr. Joseph Shallcross, Darby. 
James Mendcnhall, Concord. 

DELAWARE. 

David Hall, esq. governor of the state, 2 copies. 

John Garratt, Christiana-Hundred. 

Horatio G. Garratt, 

Rev. William Pryce, fFilmington. 

John Jones, 

Capt. Thomas Mendenhall, 

Edward S. Mendenhall, . 

Philip Mendenhall, 

J. Zane Mendenhall, 

Charles B. Mendenhall, 

Thomas Jefierson Mendenhall, 

William A. Mendenhall, 

John Dickinson Mendenhall, 

Benjamin Franklin Mendenhall, 

Joseph Hoopes, 

Samuel Spackman, 

Mathew R. Lockerman, 

Benjamin Andrews, 2 copies. 

Peregrine Wethered, esq. 

Caesar A. Rodney, esq. 2 copies. 

Capt. William West, 

Capt. Jam'=!s Robinson, 

Capt. Caleb P. Bennett, 

Rev. Francis A. Latta, 

William Robinson, •* 



SUBSCRIBERS iNAMES. 

John Taylor, 

John Martin, 

Israel Stalcupy 

Dr. James Tilton, 

Jacob Broom, esq. 

William Pluright, 

John Way, esq. 

James Lea, 

Samuiel Askew, 

Carson Wilson, 

William Briant, 

John Hayes, esq. 

Jacob Creamer, 

John Warner, 

William Warner, ' ' 

Thomas Duff, esq. • ' 

Jacob Dericksori, 

Robert Porter, 

.James Wilson, 

John Hewes, 

James Canby, 

John Reynolds, 

Joshua Jackson, 

Joseph Seeds, 

Joseph Newlin, 

Joseph Jones, 

Alexander Stuart, jun. . 

Lawrence Greatrake, Brandywzne Paper- Mi/i 

Robert Gilmore, Delcnoare do. 

Caleb Kirk, JBrandyivine. 

Thomas Smith, Dover. 

Benjamin Stout, 

Benoni Harris, 

John Caton. 

John Phasonton, Little-Creek. 

John E. Latta, V. D. M. New-Castle. : 

1 



SUBSCRIBERS iNAMES: 

George Reed, esq. 

French MacmuUan, esq. 

William C. Frazicr, esq^ 

Joseph Dana, esq. 

Dr. Henry Colesberry^ 

John Crow, 

John MacmuUan, 

John Lockerman, 

Samuel Moore, 

John Darragh, .. ; . 

Dr. James M'Calmont, 

Caleb G. Massey, esq. 

Alexander Harvey, 

William Aull. 

Joel Lewis, esq. Christiana-Bridge, 

David Nivin, 

Sylvester Welsh, 

Thomas Phillips. 

Joseph G. Rowland, Duck -Creek CrdsS'^Roads. 

Samuel Crow, Red- Lion hundred. 

Thomas Fitzgerald, esq. Port-Penn. 

Dr, David Stewart. 

Samuel Meeteer, New -Ark. 

Capt. John M'Beath. 

Dr. William Reynolds, Mill Creek hundred. 

Capt. John V. Hyatt, St. George^s. 

William Frazier. 

Dr. William Johnson, Appoquinimink hundred. 

Joseph Haslet, Sussex County. 

John P. Campbell, 

Peter White, 

John Hooper, 

Jesse Green, 

Thomas Fisher, 

John Collins, jun. 

Asahcl Phelps, 



SUBSCRIBERS >IAME«. 

James Brown, ' 

.William Huffington, jim, 

AshurBpyce, 

Jesse TuU, of Joshua^ . ; 

William Vaughan, 

Simon Kollock, 

Kendal Batson, esq. 

Joshua Prideaux, 

Littleton Robbins,, ^ 

Charles M. Callen, 

John Leverton, 

William Mason. 

Dr. Nathaniel Luff, Frederica 

Peter Lowber, esq. 

MARYLAND. 

John F. Mercier, «sq. governor of the state. 

Gabriel Du^ral, esq. Annapolis . 

George Corrie, Head of Qhesur. 

Capt. John Campbell, 

Joseph N. Gordon. . 

John Leeds Bozman, East on. 

Samuel H-. Dickenson, 

Thomas P. Smith. 

Dr. John W. King, Elkton^ 

John Partridge, esq. 

Richard Mansfield, 

David Smith, esq. 

Major Thomas FormaA,, fFarw'kXK 

Robert Wright, esq. M. S. U. S'. Cbestefto^\ 

Richard S. Thomas, 

James Scott, esq. 

Richard BarroU, esq. 

William Barroll, esq. 

VOLi. IIv 3 ^ 



SUBSCRIBERS >^AMES. 

Richard Frisby, 

Col. Benjamin Chambers, 

Morgan Brown, 

Samuel Chew, esq. 

Dr. James Anderson, 

Thomas Worrell, 

Lemuel Purnell. 

Thomas Wright, esq. ^teen- Ann's county. 

Robert Emory, 

Samuel Burgess, 

Samuel Gould, 

Henry Coursey, 

V. F. Earle, 

Jonathan Bready, 

Philemon Murphy. 

Samuel T. Wright, Centeri^ille. 

Joseph H. Nicholson, esq. M. H, R. U. S. 

Trueman Hawley, George-Town. 

Dr. Edward Scott, George-Town, Cross- Roads. 

James Corse, Ke7it County. 

Jacob Freeman, 

Samuel Davis, esq. 

John Moore. 

William Suddler, Church- Hill. 

Capt. Thomas Ward Veazy, Sassafras-Neck. 

John Cox,jun. 

Joshua Ward, 

}:>.]\\ ard H. Veazy, esq. 

Francis Cann, 

Lambert Veazy, 

James Duyer, 

Hugh Price, 

Robert Pennington, 

John Porter, 

Joseph Stockton, 

John H. Cromwell. 



SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. 

William Haslett, Greensboro*. 

Thomas Moffilt, North^East. 

Robert Hart, Elk- Neck. 

John G. Richardson, Back^Creek Neck. 

Major Hezekiah Foard, Bohemia- Manor. 

Benjamin Bayard. 

Col. William Whiteley, Caroline County, 

William Whittington, 

Thomas J. Bullitt, 

Hugh M. Henry, 

George Martin, 

Solomon Brown, 

Thomas Richards:0;i, 

Dehar Thompson, 

William Potter, 

Joshua Driver, 

John Baynard, 

William Edmonson. 

Robert H. Jackson,- Somerset County. 

Gen. Samuel Smith, Baltimore. 

James Calhoun, esq. Mayor of the City. 

Nathaniel Potter, 

John Purviance, 

Robert Purviance, 

Peter Forney, 

Peter Cassatt, 

Robert A. Caldcleugh, 

Stephen Wilspn, 

Samuel Byrnes, 

Jacob Frank, 

John Martin, 

Capt. Jacob Brinton, 

Solomon Cotton, & Co. 

Henry Didier, jun. 

James Ross, 

Thomas Dobbin, 



. SimSCRIBERS NAMES. 

Matthew Browne 
John Comyges, 
Phiiip Gra} bcl, jum 
loelMunson, 
Andrew Aitken,. 
John Scott, 
James Sloan, jun. 
George P. Kecports,. 
Henry Downes, 
Philip Moore, 
Columbus J. Byrne, 
James L. Hawkins, 
Thomas Bodley, 
John Zimmer, 
Rfeuben Etting, 
Robert Carter, 
Henr)' Wilson, 
Christopher Hughs,, 
Nathanii^ F. Williamsy 
John Cornthwaitv 
George M'Candless,. 
David Fulton, 
Alexander Martin, 
John Fichachv 
Joseph Blak^,. jun* 
Andrew M'Laughlin, 
Ji'ohn Duer,. 
William Guynn,. 
William Forman,. 
Denniis Nowland,. 
Thomas Foulke, 
Thomas Mummey,, 
Enoch, Betts, 
Samuel Butler,. 
Samuel Sower, 
Jbhn.W. Butler;,, 
Mfury Johnsoji^ 



SUBSCBIBERS ^TiUttEA. 

Samuel R. Smithy •! 

Frederick Haramer,. /• 

Dr. Joseph W^y^ 

Geoi^e Kelso, 

James A. Buchanan, 

John Hollins^ 

James Purviance, 

William B. Hawkins, 

Thomas L. Brent, ' 

William Pattersony 

Michael M'Laughlin^ 

John M'Kim, jun. 

Athan Martin^ 

Nathaniel Andrews, 

Standish Barry, 

Solomon Etting, 

John Hanna, 

Robert Moore,. 

William M^DonaId„ 

Duncan M^Callum,, 

Samuel Sheppard,^^ 

Jacob Shplt, 

James Sloan, 

William Goodwin,. 

H. D, Howard, 

E. Johnson, 

John Coffie, 

John Bankson,. 

John Diffinderffer, jun- 

Anthony Mann, 

John Snyder, 

Isaac Griest* 

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

Thomas Jefferson, esq. President of thje Uni 

States, fFashington. 
James Madison, esq. secretary 6f state., 
Albert Gallatin, esq. secretary of the tc&isvafi 



^fiSCKlBERS NAMES. 

Henr>' Dearborn, esq. secretary of war. 
Robert Smith, esq. secretary of the navy. 
Levi Lincoln, esq. attor^y general. . 
Gideon Grainger, esq. post-raiaster general. 
Jacob Wagner, esq. .: 

John Woodsides, jun. .ii.. 

John March, 
Robert W. Peacock, 
Samuel H. Smith, 
Daniel Rapine, 

John H. Barney, George^Toxvn. ' 
John V. Thomas, Alexandria. 
John Thomas Ricketts, 
Cottom & Stewart, 
Thomas & John Wescott, 
I Samuel Bishop, 
''^ William C. Hubert, 

VIRGINIA. 
James Munroe, esq. governor of the state. 
Thomas Newton, jun. esq. M. H. R. U. S. 
Wilson C, Nichols, esq. M. S. U. S. Warren 

County. 
Hugh Mercer, Fredericksbtirgh. 
Mercwether Jones, esq. Richmond. 
Samuel Pleasants, 
Ross & Douglas, Petersburg. 
M. Field, 
William Prentis. 

NORTH-CAROLINA. 
Willis Alston, esq. M. H. R. U. S. 
Charles Johnson, esq. M. H. R. U. S. 

SOUTH-CAROLINA. 

Gen. Thomas Sumpter, M. S. U, S. 

MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY. 
Nasworthy Hunter, esq. M. H. R. U. S. 




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